• J.P. Morgan Will Keep Gambling with “Other People’s Money” Without a New Glass-Steagall

    May 17, 2012David Woolner

    FDR recognized that our financial system -- and our economy -- depend on a stable banking sector.

    When I speak of high finance as a harmful factor in recent years, I am speaking about a minority which includes the type of individual who speculates with other people’s money…and also the type of individual who says that popular government cannot be trusted…

    FDR recognized that our financial system -- and our economy -- depend on a stable banking sector.

    When I speak of high finance as a harmful factor in recent years, I am speaking about a minority which includes the type of individual who speculates with other people’s money…and also the type of individual who says that popular government cannot be trusted…

    High finance of this type refused to permit Government credit to go directly to the industrialist, to the business man, to the home owner, to the farmer. They wanted it to trickle down from the top, through the intricate arrangements which they controlled and by which they were able to levy tribute on every business in the land.

    …They did not want Government supervision over financial markets through which they manipulated their monopolies with other people’s money.

    And in the face of their demands that Government do nothing that they called "unsound," the Government, hypnotized by its indebtedness to them, stood by and let the depression drive industry and business toward bankruptcy. –Franklin D Roosevelt, 1936

    The recent news that the nation’s largest bank, JPMorgan Chase, has lost $ 2 billion in trades over the past six weeks and is likely to rack up losses in excess of $3 billion before the dust settles has led to increasing calls for the resurrection of the 1933 Glass-Steagall Act. Passed in the wake of the 1929 financial crisis that led to the onset of the Great Depression, the Glass-Steagall Act established the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), which virtually ended 1930s-style bank runs, and also separated commercial from investment banking as a further guarantee of the average American’s savings.

    The latter provision was put in place because of the widespread consensus among lawmakers at the time that a) it would be a mistake to allow investment bankers access to funds that were guaranteed by the government, and b) that giving investment bankers access to federally insured deposits would undermine the whole purpose of the FDIC. The FDIC was meant to provide the average American and small business person with access to stable and secure banking services for savings, mortgages, and commercial loans. In layman’s terms, this meant that financial speculators would not be able to get their hands on working Americans’ money or mortgages.

    Of course, much like today, a good share of the financial sector vehemently opposed those reforms. The president of the American Bankers Association, for example, insisted that the bill’s provisions for deposit insurance were “unsound, unscientific and dangerous.” But other prominent bankers, including Winthrop Aldrich, the president of the Chase National Bank of New York and precursor to JPMorgan Chase, argued in favor of the bill, including its call for the separation of commercial and investment banking. Aldrich even went so far as to insist that the “spirit of speculation should be eradicated from the management of commercial banks, and commercial banks should not be permitted to underwrite securities.”

    Flash forward to today. The likes of former Citigroup Chairmen John Reed and Richard Parsons have admitted that the repeal of Glass-Steagall contributed to the 2008 financial crisis. The current Chairman of JPMorgan Chase, Jamie Dimon himself, has admitted that Chase made “a terrible, egregious mistake” in engaging in what he termed “sloppy” and “stupid” activity in the past six weeks. Isn’t it time we recognized that common sense regulation of the banking and financial sector is vital to the overall health of our economy?

    Contrary to what free market fundamentalists have been telling us again and again this campaign season, the basic banking and financial structure that was put in place in the early years of the Roosevelt administration was not put in place to strangle the free market. It was put in place to protect the free market—and it did so with great aplomb for over half a century.

    If we truly wish to restore the confidence and integrity of our financial system and protect ourselves from another financial disaster, then we will need to do more than merely instigate the Volcker Rule and the other half-measures contained in the 2010 Dodd-Frank Reform Act—half-measures, which we should note, Jamie Dimon and other titans of Wall Street have so vehemently opposed.

    It would be far better to heed the advice of Elizabeth Warren, Robert Reich, and a growing number of economists and members of the business community that it is time to do what the British government is essentially about to do: resurrect the Glass-Steagall Act. Doing so would not only help protect the commercial banking industry from the vicissitudes of Wall Street. It would also reduce this size of the too-big-to-fail behemoths like JPMorgan Chase, who seem quite content to gamble with what FDR called “other people’s money” in their endless pursuit of greater and greater wealth and power.

    David Woolner is a Senior Fellow and Hyde Park Resident Historian for the Roosevelt Institute. He is currently writing a book entitled Cordell Hull, Anthony Eden and the Search for Anglo-American Cooperation, 1933-1938.

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  • New Deal Numerology: Endangered Whales

    May 17, 2012Tim Price

    This week's numbers: $2 billion; $200 billion; 4; 3; $2.3 trillion

    $2 billion... is a busted number. That’s how much JPMorgan lost in six weeks on bets made by Bruno Iksil, a.k.a. the London Whale and Voldemort. The first nickname refers to his huge trades; the second may refer to his tendency to harass orphans.

    This week's numbers: $2 billion; $200 billion; 4; 3; $2.3 trillion

    $2 billion... is a busted number. That’s how much JPMorgan lost in six weeks on bets made by Bruno Iksil, a.k.a. the London Whale and Voldemort. The first nickname refers to his huge trades; the second may refer to his tendency to harass orphans.

    $200 billion... is a risky number. That’s the estimated value of the portfolio Iksil was betting on. Even if he doesn’t have a bright future ahead of him in the financial markets, he’ll always get comped a room when he walks into a casino.

    4... is an accelerated number. That’s how many days it took JPMorgan to lose another $1 billion after the announcement. They may be resisting any attempts at financial reform, but at least they’re getting a lot more efficient about failing.

    3... is a scapegoated number. That’s how many people have been asked to resign from the bank, including top female exec Ina Drew but not Iksil himself. Maybe he was nice enough to loan her his sword to fall on after she forgot to sharpen hers.

    $2.3 trillion... is a cushioned number. That’s the value of JPMorgan’s assets. The bank can survive these losses, but if “Too Big to Fail” referred to physical size, this would be when paramedics had to break down its wall and airlift it out.

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  • Growing a Better Farm Bill From the Roots Up

    May 17, 2012Rajiv Narayan

    A project that will fight the power of special interests and craft a truly democratic Farm Bill.

    Dear Majority Leader Reid and Minority Leader McConnell,

    A project that will fight the power of special interests and craft a truly democratic Farm Bill.

    Dear Majority Leader Reid and Minority Leader McConnell,

    Nearly half the Senate delivered a letter to you both on Tuesday urging you to bring the Agriculture Reform, Food and Jobs Act of 2012 to floor consideration "as soon as possible." Better known as the Farm Bill, and what really ought to be known as the Food Bill, this legislation is projected to cost a half trillion dollars over five years. With the current iteration of the bill set to expire in September, this letter heralds itself as a model for action, a "bipartisan way to craft meaningful, yet fiscally responsible, policy."

    But the bipartisan way is no substitute for the democratic way.

    While this letter says the Senate can consider the bill in a "fair and open manner," it is unclear that anything about this process has been so. A handful of legislators have sent members of their staff to constituent listening sessions, and many of these sessions are currently underway. But because the Senate Agriculture Committee has already released its version of the bill, the best the public can hope for (should their opinions be heeded at these sessions) is tinkering with a nearly finished product.

    Furthermore, public comment is generally only sought from particular groups. While the letter points out that the bill impacts more than just farmers and farming communities, it still devotes most of its attention to the legislation's impact on agricultural jobs. Less than a third of the bill's budget directly impacts this sector. The lion's share of the funding (about 70 percent) is allocated in precisely the place where the larger public would have the most to say: nutrition.

    This is not to say that farmers and what the letter calls "other stakeholders" are at odds. Limited listening sessions and strategic framing that targets one group over others are tactics to reduce overall discussion and debate, tactics of expediency rather than good governance. There's great benefit in having all the parties at the table so that they can learn from each other.

    Students at the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network are trying to craft this bill the right way. We're on a mission to build a Food Bill from the ground up instead of through closed-door sessions that only invite a select few. We'll be talking to students and young people across the country, asking them to share their values and priorities in an initial survey, and inviting them to participate in work groups with professionals and policy experts to draft a better plan for spending hundreds of billions of dollars over five years. Through this process we'll be searching for students from all regional, socioeconomic, professional, and educational backgrounds. Once we have their responses, our workgroups will outline a series of recommendations ready for discussion. Then we'll take it to farmers, policy experts, and budget analysts. Because our political leadership has not come to us, we're going to create our own seat at the table and bring youth policy priorities to them.

    A legislative package so large that it will impact the food process from sowed seed to second serving deserves better than both sides of the aisle.

    Sincerely,

    Rajiv Narayan 

     

    Rajiv Narayan is the Senior Fellow for Health Care Policy at the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network and a graduating senior at the University of California, Davis.

    Image courtesy of Shutterstock.com.

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  • Daily Digest - May 17: Debt Ceiling Drama, Take Two

    May 17, 2012Tim Price

    What you need to know to navigate today's most critical debates.

    Click here to receive the Daily Digest via e-mail.

    Obama and House Republicans Offer Taste of Renewed Fight Over Debt Ceiling (NYT)

    What you need to know to navigate today's most critical debates.

    Click here to receive the Daily Digest via e-mail.

    Obama and House Republicans Offer Taste of Renewed Fight Over Debt Ceiling (NYT)

    President Obama invited John Boehner to the White House to talk about how they can address our existing economic problems in the year ahead, but Boehner's more focused on the problems he and the rest of the House GOP plan to create.

    Boehner's debt ceiling crisis would be so much worse than you think (WaPo)

    Ezra Klein points out that the debt ceiling probably won't need to be raised until next February, but by then a confluence of automatic tax hikes and spending cuts will ensure we contract economic hypothermia in lieu of another recovery winter.

    JPMorgan's Trading Loss Is Said to Rise At Least 50% (NYT)

    Smelling JPMorgan's blood in the water, financial market sharks have nibbled another $1 billion from the wounded giant in just four trading days. Everyone else can look on the bright side: your week at work is officially not going that badly.

    What Did JPMorgan Execs Know and When Did They Know It? (ProPublica)

    Jesse Eisinger argues that before we shift focus to implementing new laws in response to the JPMorgan fiasco, we should pause and investigate whether the bank's execs were breaking existing laws or "just" really terrible at their jobs.

    Flawed Dimon (Slate)

    Eliot Spitzer writes that despite Jamie Dimon's self-image as America's Favorite Banker, he's proven he shouldn't be on the New York Fed board that supervises his bank -- or rather, that the whole asylum should stop promoting its inmates.

    The Dog That Didn't Bark: Obama on JPMorgan (Robert Reich)

    Reich notes that Obama has been reluctant to say a cross word about Dimon or the system that produced him, but it would be a great opportunity to distinguish himself from Mitt Romney (though both probably want to avoid dog metaphors). 

    Too Often, a New Baby Brings Big Debt (The Nation)

    NND Editor Bryce Covert writes that while our family leave policies seem built around the idea that babies' umbilical cords come attached to big sacks of cash, many new moms must pile up debt to make ends meet while they're out of work.

    Will You Be More Successful Than Your Parents? (NYT)

    Catherine Rampell highlights a new survey that finds only half of recent college graduates think they'll wind up better off than their parents in the future, and they're even more convinced that the rest of their generation is a bunch of losers.

    Will One of These Cases Be the Next Citizens United? (MoJo)

    Gavin Aronsen looks at four campaign finance cases winding their way through the courts that reformers hope will provide an opportunity to roll back Citizens United, assuming the Supreme Court is capable of being persuaded by reason.

    50 Years of Government Spending, In 1 Graph (NPR)

    Lam Thuy Vo charts how government spending has shifted over the last half-century, which should console anyone who feared their taxes were being wasted on international affairs when we could still just blow everything else up.

    With additional research by Elena Callahan.

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