Arjun Jayadev

 

Recent Posts by Arjun Jayadev

  • The Perverse Bush Legacy

    May 26, 2010Arjun Jayadev

    bush-legacy1

    bush-legacy1

    Future economic historians will have no problem identifying the reason and apportioning the blame for the collapse in US public finances in the early part of the 21st century. All they have to do is look at the data and see the ‘W' staring back at them (as outlined above). The factors behind the two collapses in the tax take as a percentage of GDP? The George W Bush tax cuts and the financial crisis under Bush (not necessarily caused, but aided and abetted by the administration). The latter of course, is the main reason for the increase in debt, not the ‘profligate spending' of the current administration. Note that US is at the lowest tax take in nearly 40 years, and the projected increase in revenues from 2010 onwards comes about primarily because of an end to the tax cuts. The result of this collapse, amazingly, is a call for retrenchment of government spending, particularly on social expenditure (for e.g. see Blinder's piece in the WSJ).

    The perverse legacy of W reminds me of another...

    `My name is Ozymandias, King of Kings:

    Look on my works, ye mighty, and despair!'

    Nothing beside remains. Round the decay

    Of that colossal wreck, boundless and bare...

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  • What Role Do Banks Play in Society?

    Apr 30, 2010Arjun Jayadev

    numbers-150What your college econ class might have missed.

    What role are banks to play in society?  The way they are restoring balance sheets raises the question.

    numbers-150What your college econ class might have missed.

    What role are banks to play in society?  The way they are restoring balance sheets raises the question.

    The banks are baaack. JP Morgan, Goldman Sachs and Citi all reported very profitable quarters last week. Most of the discussion on their performance has rested on the outsize profits from their trading desks. But there is another source of profits that is not merely incidental to the bottom line. Citi and many other banks now operate a relatively riskless operation-borrowing from the Fed and savers at sharply lower interest rates but lending out to the government, consumers and corporations at rates that have not fallen in tandem.

    The standard econ 101 reason for lowering interest rates is to maintain aggregate demand by allowing real sector borrowers access to cheaper funds. In theory, as the Fed funds rate falls, banks can borrow at lower rates and pass on lower lending rates to the economy. In a competitive environment, when banks are healthy the spread should be low. In an uncompetitive industry, on the other hand, banks will keep some of the spread to repair their damaged balance sheets.

    And this is certainly part of the story. Minimally, banks can run a relatively riskless operation by borrowing Fed funds in large volumes at 0.5% and buying treasuries at 3%.

    But a lower borrowing rate for banks has another real cost. By making it easier for banks to borrow, they are less dependent on private short-term savers and can offer a lower rate to them. This is especially deadly for savers who need to keep their assets in liquid form-retirees, small firms with small surpluses in the money market, etc. Such individuals and firms are structurally trapped in the financial system. Banks' likely loss of customers from reducing short-term interest rates are negligible, since people with short-term assets such as MMFs and short term CDs are unlikely to shift to long-term assets because they need liquidity. The increased difference between the rate at which banks lend and the rate at which they borrow constitutes a gift to the banks from savers and borrowers. How much of a gift? Let's run with Citi's 10q from this quarter (page 33):

    citi-10q

    Note that since the last quarter, they've ramped up short-term borrowings by 40% on their liabilities side from $131 to $180 billion, or a difference of $51 billion. They are paying less interest on this than before-a difference of 28 basis points (0.9-0.62) on average. Now, look at their investments. Citi ramped up consumer loans by $95 billion (from $442 to $538 billion). The interest rate on consumer loans has, rather than coming down, actually increased by 160 basis points, from 8.13% to 9.73%. Now, this might be because of increased perceived risk, though this view would be hard to defend in a period of relative macroeconomic improvement, and probably instead reflects credit card expansion. The spread for this quarter from this channel is therefore1.6-(-0.28)= 1.88%. If I took in $51 billion of relatively captive funds, and earned a spread of 1.88%, I get approximately $960 million over a year, or nearly $250 million a quarter.

    The example I use is (deliberately) the extreme case, and there have been assets on which Citi earned lower rates this quarter (notably on corporate loans). But note that in general, borrowing costs for Citi have gone down 15 basis points from 1.75% to 1.6%, but lending rates have gone up by 55 basis points. This brings us back to policy. Lowering Fed funds rate, if it does not also lower lending rates, represents a subsidy to banks and a neutering of the impact on effective demand.

    We can even make a very rough estimate of the value of this subsidy over the last year for the overall banking system. First, take the total stock of savings and small time deposits, overnight repos at commercial banks, and non-institutional money market accounts in the US, or in other words M2-M1. This works out to approximately $6.8 trillion on average over the period. Take the difference in the rate of interest on a one year CD at the beginning of 2008 (3.9%) and now (0.7%) as a rough proxy for the lowered short term borrowing rate for banks in short term markets (3.9%-0.7%=3.2%). By contrast, the rate of interest charged by commercial banks for car loans, personal loans and credit cards has hardly changed between early 2008 and February 2010, and has fallen in the first two cases by only about 0.5%. Even if we are generous and double that figure, and say that lending rates on average fell by 1%, this means a gift of (3.2%-1%)*6.8 trillion, or about $150 billion, from savers to banks. This should rightly be considered a backdoor bailout, but not one that is directly accounted for in some high-profile discussions of it.

    Note here that I am not suggesting that the Fed should not have cut rates. But there is often little traction in traditional monetary policy during a crisis, and it is entirely predictable that privately owned banks will seek to repair their balance sheets in whatever way they can, even if this means neutering monetary policy and undermining the progress of the real economy. That they are doing so by squeezing their clients is another bitter fact about the current financial world and just one more in a litany of horrors. And policy-wise, this is yet another unheeded argument for fiscal policy and prompt corrective action on banks.

    Roosevelt Institute Fellow Arjun Jayadev is an assistant professor of economics at the University of Massachusetts, Boston, and a visiting research fellow at the Columbia University Committee on Global Thought.

     

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  • Elinor Ostrom and the Poverty of Economics

    Oct 14, 2009Arjun Jayadev

    sexism-150In our brand-new 'Womenomics' series, highlighting the role of women in the economy and financial reform, Roosevelt Institute Braintruster Arjun Jayadev shows how the reaction to Elinor Ostrom's Nobel Prize illuminates a devaluing of women and the social sciences in the econ field, resulting in a troubling poverty of imagination.

    sexism-150In our brand-new 'Womenomics' series, highlighting the role of women in the economy and financial reform, Roosevelt Institute Braintruster Arjun Jayadev shows how the reaction to Elinor Ostrom's Nobel Prize illuminates a devaluing of women and the social sciences in the econ field, resulting in a troubling poverty of imagination.

    As many of you have now heard,  Elinor Ostrom is the co-recipient, with Oliver Williamson, of this year's Nobel Prize in Economics. Professor Ostrom is a political scientist of great distinction, and won the award for a lifetime of work analyzing economic governance of common pool resources (for a lay person's breakdown, see Info on Ostrom's Work).

    When I read about it on Monday morning, I was thrilled by the choice, realizing that it was a wise decision and rewarded a truly creative and careful person who eschewed cleverness and the comforts of high theory in order to understand how the world really worked. As a result, her contributions to theory have a firm tethering to the real world. It was not until later that evening that I remembered that she was the first woman to win the prize as well (I should note parenthetically, that this fact is a disgrace and there have certainly been very deserving women economists in the past who were not adequately honored).

    But two facts were the major talking points among the economic fraternity (and I use that word deliberately) on the blogosphere: Ostrom is  1) a political scientist and 2) a woman. It was mildly discomfiting to me when Paul Krugman noted that he had not known of her work (although to his credit, he also mentioned that he looked up her work and immediately saw how deserving it was). It got worse and a bit embarrassing when Steven Levitt noted that he too did not know who she was but thought that "the economics profession is going to hate the prize going to Ostrom even more than the Republicans hated the Peace Prize going to Obama".

    Unfortunately, as I found out Levitt was right. Nowhere was this more evident than when I went to the Economics Job Rumors website. The site is frequented by economics graduate students who are on the academic job market, and as such is a reasonable barometer of the ways in which such students in the field are thinking. What I found was really disturbing. There were over 200 responses to a thread called "NOBEL BULLSHIT" in which the undisguised ignorance, tribalism and vicious misogyny of the graduate student pool were starkly evident. Here are a choice few comments which are, I hate to say, not unrepresentative of most of the discussion there.

    "This is the problem with Affirmative Action: last time a woman tried to go to the moon, the Challenger exploded 73 seconds after the launch. Now this is the end of Economics."

    "Economics is superior. Don't let political science conteminate (sic) us"

    "she's not top 5% on ideas on any ranking!!"

    "susan athey or nancy stokey if you want a woman. This girl seems to be a political scientist. I don't think she has published original research in any major economics journal"

    This is the average opinion among the pool of people in their late twenties and early thirties who are going to be the teachers of economics and the leaders of thinking about economics and society in the future. It is enough to make you want to quit the discipline in disgust. All right, yes, anonymous posts bring out the worst in people, but the absolute nastiness of these responses suggest a visceral set of reactions which lays bare some of the culture of economics as a discipline. These include a thoroughgoing disregard for other disciplines (even those we take our ideas from), an inherent inability to respect ideas which do not conform to the strictures of what is acceptable knowledge (top-tier peer reviewed journal articles) and a deep-seated sexism which allows a young brash student to call the 76 year old past president of the American Political Science Association ‘this girl'.

    Someone might say, ‘let not the sins of the father be visited upon the son' and that the blame should be laid on the current teachers of economics who foster this culture. I would not disagree with that, but then how can one demand accountability? I consider myself part of this generation of economists (I got my PhD in 2005). I also know that in many universities (not the one I graduated from), cultural pressures are enormous and the stakes for personal and professional advancement are very high. But if in being starkly conformist --which would be a gentle way of putting it-- my generation is not only missing a whole set of important ideas, but is adamantly closed to them, much more is lost than gained.

    Scientific and ethical progress demand that this culture is changed. I don't have any idea how to do this, but I suspect that this Nobel will nudge the field away from its poverty of imagination (I hasten to add that the best economists already long since moved on). If one is to hopeful then, perhaps this prize will mark the beginning to a different future for economics. One that will be more robust and inquisitive, that will value genuine ideas and creative thinking which illuminates the real world, and that will not instinctively devalue women. In that hope, three cheers for Elinor Ostrom!

    Arjun Jayadev is an assistant professor of economics at the University of Massachusetts, Boston, and a visiting research fellow at the Columbia University Committee on Global Thought.

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  • What is Keynesian Economics?

    Jul 1, 2009Arjun Jayadev

    numbers-150What your college econ class might have missed.

    numbers-150What your college econ class might have missed.

    Keynesian Economics refers to a set of theories designed to explain the determination of overall output and employment in an economy. The British economist John Maynard Keynes (after whom the set of ideas is named) provided the basis for these ideas in his 1936 book, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money.  Before the advent of his work, the prevailing point of view among economists and policy makers was that recessions in a private capitalist economy were  essentially self-correcting. They argued that if there were more goods and services in the economy than could be sold, prices and wages would fall and restore balance. Keynes's insight was that  for a host of reasons this need not be (and often was not) the case.   He suggested that fluctuations in output and employment were the consequence of changes in aggregate demand, and that it was possible for an economy to be trapped in an sustained period where private investment and consumption remained very low even with falling prices.

    Keynes provided several reasons as to why the actions of individuals and firms could yield outcomes in which the economy operated below its potential output and growth. Inherent institutional features of the system made prices adjust too slowly downwards;  businesses and households maintained pessimistic expectations, thereby holding back investment and consumption; individuals wanted to keep their assets in the most liquid of forms, thereby preventing long term investments from occurring, and so on. In establishing these relationships, Keynes enabled the creation of the field of macroeconomics. But it was in the arena of policy and the role of the state in managing the economy that his ideas had the most public impact. In order to counter the tendencies that prolonged recessions and created depressions, Keynes proposed an active role for government intervention through monetary and fiscal policies to control the business cycle. When private spending was too low, governments could take up the slack and spend in order to maintain aggregate demand. Such policies greatly enabled the moderation of business cycles in the post-war period.

    Keynes's work and ideas continue to animate and inform the issues of today (see ND20 on a recent debate between Braintruster Jeff Madrick and Niall Ferguson). His theories have been updated and have led to further questions and debates,  but there is no doubting that they have been among the  most influential ideas in the social sciences in the last one hundred years.

    *Updated 2.25.11.

    Who is talking about it?

    Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellows Rob Johnson and Joseph Stiglitz have argued in favor of Keynesian policies to combat the recession and high unemployment levels. Stiglitz told CNBC recently that anyone who thinks Keynes' theories are dead "doesn't understand economics." The two have also written Working Papers advocating for Keynesian policies in handling the deficit -- see Stiglitz's paper "Principles and Guidelines for Deficit Reduction" and Rob Johnson and Thomas Ferguson's co-authored paper "A World Upside Down? Deficit Fantasies in the Great Recession".

    Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Marshall Auerback has also advocated for his theories; see "Keynes Vs. Hayek: Old Ideas for a New Era". He argues against those who try to debunk them, like his take-down of former NEC Director Larry Summers' misguided approach to deficits, here.

    Roosevelt Historian David Woolner has compared FDR's use of Keynesian economics to lift American out of the Great Depression to today's policies, including a side-by-side of Obama's fiscal commission and FDR's version: "For FDR the Key Economic Question was Jobs, not Debt".

    Author and editor Paul Davidson called on Obama to heed the teachings of Keynes' theories in "Listen to Keynes: Reform Can Only Follow Recovery".

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  • What the heck is PPIP?

    Jun 26, 2009Arjun Jayadev

    numbers-150What your college econ class might have missed.

    It's pronounced "pee-pip", rather proposterously, but PPIP, a plan to rid banks of toxic assets, is no joke. So what the heck is it?

    numbers-150What your college econ class might have missed.

    It's pronounced "pee-pip", rather proposterously, but PPIP, a plan to rid banks of toxic assets, is no joke. So what the heck is it?

    The Public Private Investment Program (PPIP) was announced on March 23rd, 2009, as a key initiative of the United States Government to restore the banking system to health.

    Currently, banks hold a very large number of what are popularly known as 'toxic assets' (i.e. assets which have lost an enormous amount of value and which are hard to sell given the uncertainty about their future value). Given this, banks are unable to raise new capital and are less able and willing to lend money making the cost of credit very high. The PPIP was ostensibly designed to remedy this situation by facilitating the transfer of these toxic assets from the banks to other entities (typically private funds, insurance companies and pension funds which would be willing to hold these risky assets given their different maturity requirements), thereby allowing banks to increase lending again. It was argued that the private market might better be able to price the assets than the public sector and therefore the best policy would be for the government to facilitate this transfer rather than taking over the banks itself.

    In order to do this, the PPIP was to provide funding to assist private investors in buying these assets as well as reduce their risk. While the particular details differ between the 'legacy loans' program and the 'legacy securities' program, in both, the essence of the initiative was for taxpayers to provide funding in partnership with the private sector to buy the securities. In both cases, however, the public sector had potentially more funds at risk than the private sector (in the former, the ratio could be 6 to 1, in the latter 3 to 1). Most problematically, the fact that the loans to the private sector from the taxpayer were non-recourse loans (i.e. loans for which the only guarantee was the collateral of the asset), this means that the taxpayer could be on the hook for the downside more than the private sector. A particularly clear example is provided by Joseph Stiglitz in his NY times op-ed. This, as well as other details has made this a highly controversial program.

    *Updated 2.25.11.

    Who is talking about it?

    Roosevelt Institute Fellow Mike Konczal warned of models similar to PPIP's being replicated in financial reform. See "GSE Losses As Shadow Bailout"

    Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Robert Johnson warned about the scope of the problem in relation to PIMCO.

    ND20 contributor and white collar criminologist Bill Black called for the elimination of TARP and PPIP at the beginning of Obama's presidency and for using the funds to help homeowners.

    And it turned out to be a huge windfall for banks while potentially making matters worse -- the Huffington Post reported that banks in the program simply used the money to buy more toxic mortgage assets.

    Roosevelt Institute Fellow Arjun Jayadev is an assistant professor of economics at the University of Massachusetts, Boston, and a visiting research fellow at the Columbia University Committee on Global Thought.

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