Lars Schall

 

Recent Posts by Lars Schall

  • Interview with Randall Wray: Truths and Myths of the Federal Reserve

    May 6, 2010L. Randall WrayLars Schall

    no-nonsense-150Is the Federal Reserve an almighty-like "creature" or rather extremely limited in its essential operations? In an interview with Lars Schall of MMNews, Randall Wray answers questions on the Fed and central banks in general.

    no-nonsense-150Is the Federal Reserve an almighty-like "creature" or rather extremely limited in its essential operations? In an interview with Lars Schall of MMNews, Randall Wray answers questions on the Fed and central banks in general.

    LS: Mr. Wray: is it true that the Fed isn't the almighty-like "creature" as perceived in the view of the general public?

    RW:  Milton Friedman played the biggest role in promoting the Fed as the all-powerful Wizard of Oz, spinning dials and controlling the money supply which then determines output and employment. However, the Fed is not to be trusted, hence, should be constrained by a constant-rate-of-growth-of-money-supply rule. This was finally tried in the disastrous early 1980s great monetarist experiment run by Fed Chairman Paul Volcker (simultaneously attempted in Thatcher's UK). I say disastrous because it wiped out half of our thrifts (home mortgage lenders-but not before helping to set off a wave of fraud that was the subject of Bill Black's book). By the mid-1980s the Fed had given up money targets, and had also abandoned the Friedmanian myth that money and output are closely correlated-with money driving output.

    In truth, central bank policy has always determined the overnight interbank lending rate (the fed funds rate in the US). Leaving to the side regulatory and supervisory power, that really is all the central bank does. There is no evidence that changing the overnight interest rate (within the usual range) has any significant or predictable impact on the economy. It truly is a Wizard of Oz-if one recalls that the Wizard behind the curtain actually had no power at all. What is unfortunate is that for a very long time policymakers believed that economic policy could be left to the "omnipotent" Fed-which means that the truly powerful fiscal policy has been neglected.

    LS: What are the instruments of monetary policy? And do those instruments enable the Fed to create the "business cycle" of boom and bust essentially by itself?

    RW: As I just discussed, really all the Fed does is set and manage the overnight interest rate-which has little impact on anything of importance. For example, the Fed responded to the crisis by lowering the interest rate essentially to zero. And just as this had no positive impact on the Japanese economy over the past two decades, it had no discernible impact on the US economy. Bernanke had long argued that what Japan needed was "quantitative easing" to supplement the zero rate policy. He was always vague about what that means, but he had this idea that the Fed can "push on a string"-encourage banks to lend and borrowers to borrow by "pumping liquidity" into the economy. This would take the form of increasing bank excess reserves-providing them with far more reserves than they wanted to hold-on the belief they would then lend.

    Bernanke apparently believes in the discredited notion of a "money multiplier": when banks have excess reserves they expand loans and deposits by a multiple. But banks never have operated that way. The "multiplier" is just an ex post identity (we can always divide deposits by reserves and will find a number greater than one) with no causal implications. So what quantitative easing really amounts to is keeping excess reserves in the system and the overnight rate near zero. Nothing new about it--"quantitative easing" is a nice slogan with no economic implication. Banks will not lend and borrowers will not borrow because they know we are in a deep and long recession.

    However, what is interesting and in some ways scary is that the Fed has expanded its balance sheet to $2 trillion. While there is a movement to force an audit of the Fed, until that is done we cannot know what Bernanke and company have done under cover of the quantitative easing slogan. I am not so much worried about the likely losses the Fed will suffer on the toxic waste it has bought and guaranteed. Rather, I would like to know what favors the Fed provided to Wall Street.

    So to provide a more direct answer: the Fed can neither create nor cure recessions and crises. It can determine the overnight interest rate, and it can provide reserves on demand. It can also buy anything for sale simply by crediting reserves (a point Bernanke made in testimony before Congress). We used to think the Fed would never buy bad private assets-but Bernanke changed all that. However, only appropriate fiscal policy could have led to a quicker recovery. We did not get that.

    LS: Of course, the inevitable next question has to be: who owns the Federal Reserve which issues the reserve currency of the world?

    RW: The Fed is a creature of Congress, created in the 1913 Act, with subsequent legislation dictating functions and policies. In other words, it really is a branch of government, albeit an unusual one since there are private shareholders. Does the Fed cater to financial institutions? Yes, but so does the Treasury-and as we know, Goldman Sachs has been running the Treasury for the past three Presidencies-Clinton, Bush and Obama. I think that is of greater import than is Wall Street's control of the Fed. Capture of regulators is nothing new. But it's become more obvious and complete since Clinton, who essentially delivered Washington to Wall Street. Washington then deregulated finance, which responded by "Hoovering" up 40% of all US corporate profits. The triumvirate of Rubin, Greenspan and Summers led the charge, and then added Paulson, Geithner and Bernanke. Remarkably, only Greenspan's reputation has suffered in the collapse-and of this team he was the only one who actually raised some doubts during the speculative bubbles that followed.

    LS: How do you judge on the performance of the Fed in the build-up and the handling of this crisis? And do you agree or disagree with William Greider, the author of "The Secrets of the Temple", who concluded in an article for The Nation that "the Fed is the problem, not the solution"?

    RW: I have a lot of respect for Greider. I do think Greenspan and Bernanke have almost always got things wrong -- they always misread the economy. They try to fight inflation exactly when the economy heads into a recession. They usually fail to see speculative booms. They promote deregulation and risky new financial practices. They cause a lot of asset price instability by continually monkeying around with interest rate targets. That is not good, but impacts are usually short-lived. So while I think most people overestimate the Fed's power, I do agree that we ought to tie the hands of the Wizard.

    I propose that Congress mandate the Fed set the overnight rate at 25 basis points (0.25%) and leave it there. Forever. That would be the extent of monetary policy in the US. A very simple robot would replace the FOMC, programmed to pay 25 basis points on reserves, and charge 50 basis points on loans of reserves to chartered banks.

    There are two other issues. First, should the Fed lend to "shadow banks"? Our current crisis began in the shadow bank sector, when Lehman, Bear, Goldman, and others could not raise funds-essentially facing a "bank run", not on deposits but rather on commercial paper and other short-term instruments. The Fed has typically dealt with such problems by calling in chartered banks and telling them it would open up its discount window to any bank that would lend to non-bank financial institutions. In this way, commercial banks service their investment bank customers.

    Alternatively, the Fed could lend directly to shadow banks, but require they open their books to the Fed. The Fed would then lend against good assets to stop the run, and would use the opportunity to conduct a thorough examination. Of course, insolvent institutions do not like this-but it's the cost imposed in order to get the benefit of Fed lending. No one should lend to a customer without assessing credit worthiness. If the Fed finds the institution insolvent, a resolution (including bankruptcy proceedings) would begin. If the Fed had dealt with the shadow institutions in this manner in 2007, there is little doubt that many of them would have been resolved and closed. That is why the commercial banks would not lend to them-it was widely believed that all large institutions were massively insolvent due to toxic waste. We have rescued them and encouraged them to go on with the same practices that created their insolvency. The situation is now much worse than it was in 2007.

    Second, we have issues of regulation and supervision of financial institutions, including protection of consumers. There is a movement to consolidate regulation and supervision, possibly in the hands of the Fed. It is ironic that the Fed has long displayed no interest in regulating or supervising wayward institutions, but it now is fighting hard to become the super-duper regulator. I do not think the Fed is reformable. It is probably far better to consolidate regulation and supervision at the Treasury-with the caveat noted above that since Clinton it has been run by Goldman. Still, I think it is easier to reform the Treasury. I would, however, retain the Fed as lender of last resort-and it would then have the power as a lender to examine the books of any institution to which it lends.

    LS: Two last questions, Mr. Wray. Why do we need central banks at all? Aren't they, as James Turk puts it, "the barbarous relic"?

    I do not think they are relics -- or at least, I think the functions that central banks perform are still important. Let me put it another way: central banks were originally founded to provide government finance and to act as lenders of last resort. Both functions are still needed. To be sure, we could consolidate the central bank and treasury and have that consolidated power provide both of these functions. Indeed, I would strongly support that-not because it is necessary but because it would simplify procedures and make the processes much easier for the population and politicians to understand. Most importantly, we could end all the nonsense about fiscal sustainability. We would just have the treasury directly credit bank accounts when it spends and debit them when it taxes; we would stop issuing treasury bonds and everyone could stop worrying about government debt-because we would not issue any (the only government IOUs issued would be cash and reserves, neither of which are included in the debt numbers).

    Thank you very much for taking your time, Mr. Wray!

    Roosevelt Institute Briantruster L. Randall Wray is a professor of economics and research director of the Center for Full Employment and Price Stability at the University of Missouri-Kansas City (UMKC).

     

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  • How Much Oil is Left? Economics, Monetary Changes & Shrinking Supply

    Apr 9, 2010Lars SchallRichard Heinberg

    gas-pump-150Peak oil expert Richard Heinberg, talks to Lars Schall at MMNews. Heinberg says: "We are currently seeing the end of economic growth as we have known it."  Further on, he talks about the financial / economic crisis, monetary changes vis-à-vis a shrinking energy supply, and the Century of Declines: "Peak Everything."

    gas-pump-150Peak oil expert Richard Heinberg, talks to Lars Schall at MMNews. Heinberg says: "We are currently seeing the end of economic growth as we have known it."  Further on, he talks about the financial / economic crisis, monetary changes vis-à-vis a shrinking energy supply, and the Century of Declines: "Peak Everything."

    Q. Mr. Heinberg, your most successful book-title to this date is The Party's Over. What kind of party is it and why do you assume that this festivity and its special features are about to come to an end?

    A. The "party" was humanity's one-time-only opportunity to fuel economic growth and technological  innovation with a bounty of cheap, abundant energy from fossil fuels. The harvesting of oil, coal, and natural gas has inevitably proceeded on a best-first or low-hanging fruit basis. While the Earth still possesses a wealth of unexploited energy resources, the cheapest and easiest-accessed of those resources have by now already been used. All of these fuels are in the process of becoming more expensive, and the various energy alternatives are limited in one way or another in their ability to  replace hydrocarbons. That means we are currently seeing the end of economic growth as we have  known it. The impacts for transportation, globalization, and world food supplies will be serious indeed.

    Q. As a rather critical observer of that party, do you see significant hints that a growing number  of participants realize that "The Last Waltz" is near? Or are you afraid that many will continue to dance no matter what?

    A. After over a decade spent in trying to alert policy makers and the general public about this issue, I  have concluded that only a small minority have any idea what is in store. The “dance” you speak of is indeed coming to an end, but it appears to most that the problem is purely a financial one, and that once the global economic crisis is sorted out, we will all be able to get back to business as  usual. I do not believe that is an option. We have reached a fundamental turning point, foreseen in  the “Limits to Growth” study of 1972. For a while, world leaders may be able to redistribute wealth in various ways — most likely from the poor to the rich — in order to make it appear that the global economy is continuing to grow. But I suspect that this will work only for a very few years at most.  At some point soon, it will become clear that economies are contracting. And then most people will look for someone to blame. No doubt politicians will oblige by trotting out various scapegoats.

    Q. What about the hosts of the party, who pay the band -- the so-called elites? They're aware of the coming situation for a long time, right? What about the Central Intelligence Agency for example, which has always entertained close ties to the financial district in New  York City?

    A. Strangely enough, I think most of the “elites” are victims of their own public relations efforts. They have promoted the careers of economists who told them what they wanted to hear — that economic growth is the normal and inevitable state of affairs, and that there are no real limits to growth. Yes, certainly there are analysts in the CIA and the military who understand where this is all heading, but —if the ex-analysts I’ve talked to are typical of their colleagues — they have learned that reports

    about resource constraints are not welcome, unless they are framed in terms of the contest for geopolitical leverage.

    Q. At the end of last year, the World Energy Outlook 2009 received a very cautious reception -- for example, from your side. Why was that and how was it linked to the ongoing discussion about oil reserves?

    A. Oil "reserves" consist of estimates of the amount of oil that geologists believe can be economically extracted from oilfields that have been discovered, drilled, and mapped. Unfortunately, reserves reporting is not a transparent affair in many countries that have state-controlled oil industries. There is strong evidence to suggest that OPEC nations have systematically and substantially over- estimated their reserves for over two decades. In 2009, the International Energy Agency (IEA) took a first cautious step in the direction of realism when it published, in its annual World Energy Outlook, an assessment of rates of production decline from the world's old, giant oilfields, which yield the bulk of the world's crude oil. On average, there

    is a net production decline of 4.5 percent per year from existing fields, which means that the world has to develop a Saudi Arabia's worth of new production capacity every five years or so just to maintain existing total production volumes. That is an enormous feat, especially given the fact that oil discovery rates have been falling since the early 1960s. New oilfields are sill being found, of course, but typically they are very expensive to locate and exploit, when compared to the oilfields

    that were being discovered only a decade or two ago.

    Q. This debate is continuing right now again on a large scale. Maybe there is an end to it. During an interview with investigative journalist and book author Mike Ruppert, I asked him a few things about the National Energy Policy Development Group, NEPDG, that was run by then-Vice President Richard Cheney in Spring of 2001. Mr. Ruppert stated:

    "Essentially the NEPDG appears to have been set up, almost from the first day of the Bush

    administration, to find out how much oil was left, who had it, and how it could be obtained (bought

    or stolen) to support U.S. hegemony, U.S. consumption, and the monetary paradigm. ... The fact

    that the NEPDG records have been kept secret from the American people who paid for it is one of

    the greatest crimes of all time. Seeing those records now would save a lot of duplicated effort in

    trying to inventory how much oil there is left. The figures on oil reserves quoted by producing

    nations and companies are as fraudulent and cooked as the books on mortgages, banking, and even

    Bernie Madoff. ... It was Peak Oil that was driving Dick Cheney's Task Force and nothing else."

    Do you agree with Mr. Ruppert in general and in particular on the notion that the secret NEPDG records could help us to find out “how much oil there is left”?

    A. Since we don't know what those records contain, we also don't know if they would help us to know much more about future energy supply options. Certainly if an agency like the IEA were empowered to perform on-the-ground audits of oilfields in all oil exporting countries, we would know much more than we do now.

    In another interview, I asked economist James K. Galbraith, who thinks that the Peak Oil

    scenario "needs to be taken seriously," if he agrees that it would be time to make those secret
    files of the NEPDG public. He answered by saying:



    "Yes. I do agree that files of this type should be made public. If there is an argument, which

    undoubtedly some people will make, for a national security reason not to make them public, then an

    appropriate procedure, which we have followed in this country in the past, is to appoint a panel of independent outsiders, not previously connected to the government, to review the documents and to

    make them public unless there is a compelling reason not to, with arguments about what is

    compelling and not-compelling ultimately resolved by the president himself. That's a model that has

    been applied successfully in the past in the United States on a matter of this kind. I think it would be
    very useful to do it in this and other instances on the conduct of the Bush administration."

    Question: Wouldn’t it be a good goal for the Peak Oil movement in the U.S. and

    around the globe to come together for a concerted effort to make happen what Mr. Galbraith

    was talking about? Even if there was only a slim chance to accomplish this goal?

    A. Yes, this would be a worthy goal from a certain standpoint. However, the peak oil "movement" is a highly non-political collection of individuals with little sense of group identity or any history of concerted political action. Even if the effort succeeded, I doubt if much truly new information would be revealed. Many "peak oil" analysts are already extremely well informed on world energy supply issues-much better informed than all but a very few officials at even the highest levels of

    government, and better informed than most of the members of the National Energy Policy Development Group. So the advantage would not be in finding out some information that is currently being kept secret, it would simply be in seeing public confirmation of certain key bits of information that are seldom discussed in the mainstream media.

    To read the rest of this interview, click here.

     

     

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