Mike Konczal

Roosevelt Institute Fellow

Recent Posts by Mike Konczal

  • February Jobs Report: Better but Not Strong Enough

    Mar 4, 2011Mike Konczal

    mike-konczal-2-100While more jobs were added, it'll take a very long time to get where we need to be at the current rate.

    Employment is up to around 200,000 jobs. This is a decent number, but nowhere near strong enough in order to get back to full employment on a reasonable time frame.

    While more jobs were added, it'll take a very long time to get where we need to be at the current rate.

    Employment is up to around 200,000 jobs. This is a decent number, but nowhere near strong enough in order to get back to full employment on a reasonable time frame.

    A few additional points:

    1.  The Employment-to-Population Ratio stayed the same at 58.4%. This ratio may be a better way of judging the recovery, as so many people have disappeared from the formal labor market.  It has been relatively flat recently and is far from where it was at a few years ago. It is also a phenomenon for young people, so this is not just about labor markets sorting middle-aged workers into high and low productivity workers:

    That low work participation rate for young workers speaks poorly for the long-term prospects of the American economy.

    2.  Women lost ~70,000 jobs in the past month even though overall employment was up ~200,000.  This could be evidence that Bryce Covert's womancession is going to be more of a phenomenon in 2011. Especially as government budget cuts come, which will likely balance out any private sector gains, if not overwhelm demand for private sector completely. As she says:

    According to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, forty-five states and the District of Columbia are projecting shortfalls totaling $125 billion in fiscal year 2012, and many local governments have turned to severe job cuts for public workers to fill the hole. Since August of 2008, the public sector cut 426,000 jobs, with 154,000 of those in education. Governors across the country—Republicans and Democrats alike—are threatening that there will be many more. And even though women represent just over half of the public workforce, the NWLC found that they lost the majority of the jobs—a whopping 83.8 percent—during the so-called recovery.

    3.  It's getting better even though it remains sluggish. We know from historical analysis that governments wait until growth has settled in to deal with budget issues. The economy is nowhere near strong enough to survive a round of deep short-term cuts, especially cuts from muscle.

    Mike Konczal is a Fellow at the Roosevelt Institute.

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  • The Current Republican Philosophy in Wisconsin and Beyond: Union-busting as Economic Growth

    Mar 1, 2011Mike Konczal

    The battle isn't just about collective bargaining rights; it's about handing all the power to corporations.

    I've been trying to get a political economy mental map of where the Republican Party and conservative movement stand. Several things that were present but hazy in the past have become much clearer since Governor Walker's overreach in Wisconsin. These include:

    The battle isn't just about collective bargaining rights; it's about handing all the power to corporations.

    I've been trying to get a political economy mental map of where the Republican Party and conservative movement stand. Several things that were present but hazy in the past have become much clearer since Governor Walker's overreach in Wisconsin. These include:

    Jobs: Conservatives don't really have a jobs plan. There's the 'cut the budget during a fragile recovery' plan, which Goldman is predicting will put a serious dent in growth. But even more generally, their explanation for why we have high unemployment is strange.

    Last year we reached out and talked about the economy with 30 conservative economists (part 1, part 2). I got the sense that they had an Ayn Rand, Groundhog Day version of the recovery: every month, the productive leaders of the economy (corporations) peek their head out from their hole, check the field for the shadow of the unproductive parasite class (workers) and politicians looking to leech off them; the proper role for government then is to clear the field of parasites and leave tax and cash goodies to help bring the leaders out of their hole and start with job creation.

    Public Sector: I associate Wisconsin Republicans with Tommy Thompson. I had several moderate conservative friends from Madison who campaigned for Thompson, and he struck me as a good Republican. He wanted to reform welfare, but in doing so spend just as much, if not more, in order to do it right. He didn't want to "reform" welfare as code for slashing it.

    Walker wants to attack public unions. He told someone he believed to be David Koch that as Reagan brought down the Soviets by being tough with the air traffic controller unions, this is their moment to be tough and show the enemies of conservatism who is in charge. He even pulled out a picture of Reagan to show his staff to remind them what the stakes are. Walker and the conservative movement's approach is all about portraying teachers and public workers as, in Rush Limbaugh's phrase, parasites when compared to Tommy Thompson. This isn't about getting to pay some teachers more while paying others less.

    I haven't found anyone making the case that the public sector workers in Wisconsin are overpaid. Andrew Biggs of AEI, who watches public sector compensation closely, replicates data and research done by EPI and incorporates his version of benefits and concludes, "At the end of the day, I just don’t think we can make any final conclusions on state/local pay [in Wisconsin] because so much of the data, particularly on the benefits end, is still too loosey-goosey. There’s just more work to be done." Mind you, that's the strongest attack by a conservative wonk using the data I can find: it's too tough to tell one way or the other. Given that the teacher's unions are willing to take a hit on benefits, their position is actually to the right of AEI's.

    Relations With the Corporate Sector: As many have noted, Walker is worried about a budget crisis, but also slashing corporate taxes. Ryan McNeely (whose new blog is a must-add for policy fans) noted something similar about New Jersey Governor Chris Christie’s budget: "What the budget represents is a blunt shift to perennial conservative priorities like school choice and tax cuts rather than a fundamental shift in the overall size of the budget." This isn't about shrinking the budget or a government you can drown in a bathtub; this is about shifting the priorities of the budget away from public work and towards gifts for corporations.

    I've noticed all these in isolation but haven't been able to put them together into a whole. But Ed Kilgore just wrote a great piece for the New Republic that puts it into a narrative. This is about taking the smokestack-chasing model of growth of the 3rd world and combining it with the Moonlight and Magnolias Deep South model of development:

    Walker also has an economic vision for his state -- one which is common currency in the Republican Party today, but hitherto alien in a historically progressive, unionist Midwestern state like Wisconsin. It is based on a theory of economic growth that is not only anti-statist but aggressively pro-corporate: relentlessly focused on breaking the backs of unions; slashing worker compensation and benefits; and subsidizing businesses in order to attract capital from elsewhere and avoid its flight to even more benighted locales. Students of economic development will recognize it as the “smokestack-chasing” model of growth adopted by desperate developing countries around the world, which have attempted to use their low costs and poor living conditions as leverage in the global economy. And students of American economic history will recognize it as the “Moonlight and Magnolias” model of development, which is native to the Deep South.

    Just take a look at the broader policy context of the steps Walker is taking in Wisconsin. While simultaneously battling unions and calling for budget cuts, he’s made the state’s revenue quandary much worse by seeking to cut corporate taxes and boost “economic development incentives” (another term for tax subsidies and other public concessions) to businesses considering operations in Wisconsin... Even before the arrival of Haley, this was the default model of economic growth in Southern states for decades -- as the capital-starved, low-wage region concluded that the way it could compete economically with other states was to emphasize its comparative advantages: low costs, a large pool of relatively poor workers, “right to work” laws that discouraged unionization, and a small appetite for environmental or any other sort of regulation. So, like an eager Third-World country, the South sought to attract capital by touting and accentuating these attributes, rather than trying to build Silicon Valleys or seek broad-based improvements in the quality of life...

    Why is this model of economic growth so appealing to the Tea Party? For one, it tends to jibe very well with the Ayn Randian belief in producerism: the idea that “job creators” --  business owners -- are the only source of economic growth in society, and that everyone else - the workers, government employees, and the poor -- are just “useless eaters” shackling those who exercise individual initiative. While many Democrats are baffled by Scott Walker’s attack on the unions -- shouldn’t he be focused on jobs rather than eliminating workers’ protections? they ask -- the fact is that today’s conservatives believe this is the right and only way to create jobs. The same delusion is present at the federal level, where House Republicans insist that deregulation and spending cuts are the only ways to create jobs...

    So what is at stake in Wisconsin, and across the country, is not just the pay and benefits of public employees, or their collective bargaining rights, or the specific programs facing the budgetary knife. We are contesting whether Americans who are not “job creators,” by virtue of wealth, should be considered anything more than cannon fodder in an endless war between states -- and countries -- over who can attract the most capital by slashing the most regulations. In this sense, standing up to Scott Walker is a truly worthy fight.

    I encourage you to read the whole thing. It's a really stark vision of the role of the state in the economy, and really brings home the idea of a third world America. What's your take?

    Mike Konczal is a Fellow at the Roosevelt Institute.

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  • Walker's Budget Plan is a Three-Part Roadmap for Conservative State Governance

    Feb 24, 2011Mike Konczal

    The battles won't be over how to mend state budgets -- it will be about changing the role of government entirely.

    The battles won't be over how to mend state budgets -- it will be about changing the role of government entirely.

    Tim Fernholz wrote an excellent article in the National Journal about the "bait and switch" of Governor Walker's Wisconsin plan. Fernholz points out that the short-term deficit problem can be covered by debt restructuring and that the big pieces of the bill that relate to dismantling public sector unions, control over Medicaid and creating a no-bid energy asset sale process are not directly budget related.

    There's a three-prong approach in Governor Walker's plan that highlights a blueprint for conservative governorship after the 2010 election. The first is breaking public sector unions and public sector workers generally. The second is streamlining benefits away from legislative authority, especially for health care and in fighting the Health Care Reform Act. The third is selling of public assets to private interests under firesale and crony capitalist situations.

    This wasn't clear to me at first. I thought this was about a narrow disagreement over teacher's unions. Depending on what you read, you may have only seen a few of these parts, and you may have not seen them put together as a coherent whole. This will be the framework that other conservative governors, and even a few Democratic ones, will use in their state, so it is good to get a working model in place. In order to frame where it stands now, I'm going to chart this and give a set of descriptions:

    Defund and Delegitimize Public Workers

    You wouldn't know this from the popular narrative, but, as Zach Carter found, Wisconsin's public pensions are among the nation's healthiest. Carter walks you through the numbers from people like the nonpartisan Pew Center for the States, which found Wisconsin to be a "national leader in managing its long-term liabilities for both pension and retiree health care."

    There are many things, like removing unions' ability to collect dues or requiring annual votes, that aren't budgetary or service driven at all but are simply mechanisms for bleeding the union dry.

    What I found most interesting about the 20 minutes phone call between Governor Walker and a prankster claiming to be David Koch (transcript) is this:

    WALKER: ...That’s all they wanna talk is what are you doing to help in the governor in Wisconsin. Next I talked to Cassick every day, you know John’s got to stand firm in Ohio. I think we can do the same thing with Rick Scott in Florida, I think Snyder if he got a little more support could probably do that in Michigan. We start going down the list, you know, there’s a lot of us new governors that got elected to do something, big.

    KOCH: You’re the first domino.

    WALKER: Yep. This is our moment...

    [Walker:]...I had all my cabinet over to the residence for dinner. Talked about what we were going to do, how we were going to do it, we had already kind of doped plans up, but it was kind of a last hurrah, before we dropped the bomb and I stood up and I pulled out a, a picture of Ronald Reagan and I said you know this may seem a little melodramatic but ...when he fired the air traffic controllers and uh I said to me that moment was more important than just for labor relations and or even the federal budget, that was the first crack in the Berlin Wall and the fall of Communism because from that point forward the soviets and the communists knew that Ronald Regan wasn’t a pushover...

    Firing the air traffic controllers brought down the Soviet Union? When the true believers get together and talk openly, they don't discuss how this relates to the budget, or getting innovative school practices in place, or whatever. It's about showing their enemies that they mean business and aren't pushovers. He believes that by smashing one you can smash them all. And he believes he is the first domino to move.

    Other states won't need unions to fight. Notice Providence, Rhode Island firing all of their teachers, to selectively rehire them later. This is how ground out our elites want to see the labor contract.

    Cutting Government Services

    From the CBPP: "[Walker's] bill would strip the legislature of practically all of its authority to set the guidelines for the program (known as BadgerCare), leaving the power to do so almost solely in the governor’s hands."

    Shawn Doherty has covered this for Cap Times, as well as Jonathan Cohn, David Wahlberg of the Madison State Journal, AnnieJo at DailyKos and Amanda Terkel of Huffington Post.

    This is the most important thing that has gotten the least coverage. The administration of Medicaid would be moved away from the state legislation to be more directly under the control of the Governor's office. People may be dropped right away and there could be extreme games of chicken with the Federal government over medicaid spending.

    The Wisconsin Department of Health Services is currently being run by Heritage Senior Fellow Dennis Smith, who has been making his right-wing think tanker bones arguing that states should drop out of Medicaid, the long-time dream of the extreme right. It is telling that "Smith wouldn't discuss Medicaid provisions in the upcoming budget bill" even though it's all he's been writing about for years.

    Specifically, one of the last things he wrote had this talking point: "Congress and the Administration have enacted a sweeping overhaul of one-sixth of the American economy, dramatically expanding the scope of federal power....When governors and state legislators realize that they have been reduced to mere agents of and tax collectors for the federal government, bipartisan opposition from the states will be inevitable."

    This power grab by the Governor will be the beachhead for slashing medicaid rolls to record lows and planning the conservative opposition against health care reform more broadly. The people who elected the Governor deserve more information about his ultimate goals.

    Privatizing Assets

    Privatize everything. Ed from ginandtacos caught the language related to no-bid energy asset sales in Walker's bill. Both Felix Salmon and Yves Smith have followed up on how this will be a new normal for states over the next two years, where more and more government infrastructure is going to be sold into a crony favor-and-campaign-contribution trading environment. Matt Taibbi's new book has a chapter on this topic that is really good. This is going to be much more relevant over the next two years, and we should learn about how it works and what the consequences are early on.

    Notice that each of these objectives overlap with each other. Privatizing services cuts public workers out while crony deals, skimming and poor services creates distrust in the government, leading to a negative feedback loop.

    States will have to deal with their budgets. There are costs coming down the road. But the important thing to understand is that the new wave of governance at the state level isn't about handling these problems -- it's about changing what the government does in a more reactionary and polarized way. Squeezing regular people to provide benefits will maintain and expand our high levels of inequality. Its about making struggling parties weaker and strong parties richer. Making it almost impossible to raise taxes later is irresponsible and dangerous, but it accelerates this plan. They hoped to handle this all behind closed doors -- sadly for them, and lucky for the public, activism and the internet are shining a large spotlight on their actions.

    Mike Konczal is a Fellow at the Roosevelt Institute.

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  • The Housing Bubble, Not Unions, is Major Predictor of State Budget Gaps

    Feb 23, 2011Mike Konczal

    Despite what governors like Scott Walker say, there's little correlation between union membership and troubled state budgets.

    Despite what governors like Scott Walker say, there's little correlation between union membership and troubled state budgets.

    Amid all the public debate about how states are being bled dry by militant public unions, you wouldn't know that we just had a major housing bubble across the country followed by a financial system near-collapse and the most prolonged downturn since the Great Depression. Chris Hayes addressed this opportunism of those ignoring of the housing crisis to push long-standing right-wing priorities in the opening segment of The Rachel Maddow show last night, and I think it's worth looking deeper.

    John Side posts some graphs of state budget shortfalls against public union density on his site The Monkey Cage:

    And:

    A commenter summarized the general finding:

    I just coded the data "TheRef" posted to distinguish between states with no collective bargaining law and states with some sort of law (0=no law, 1=anything else) and used this to predict the 2011 shortfall as a percentage of budget. I have no idea if this coding is appropriate, but it should provide a rough estimate.

    While the relationship was positive (like the r coefficient in the post) it explained less than 2% of the variance (R^2 = .017). This is actually less explained variance than that explained in the above post (.19*.19 = .04), though this could be due entirely to the linear compared to categorical nature of the predictors. Just to note, the unstandardized beta was 3.08.

    Interesting, if not that significant. You know what is interesting, significant and recent? A multi-trillion dollar housing bubble.

    I'm going to do the same graph with Total Shortfall as Percent of FY11 Budget from the CBPP (table four) as well as negative and near negative equity as percentage of mortgages, Q3 2010 from CoreLogic. Negative equity is correlated with all kinds of other bad things like unemployment, but from my point of view it's a good first approximation for how the housing bubble devastated a community. The more the bubble popped, the more people were hit by falling house prices, the more negative equity grows as a percent of mortgages. (Especially since Case-Shiller took their data to subscription only, and even then, I'm not sure there's a particularly better state-level approximation -- thoughts?)

    Graph:

    Significant (t-stat of 3.53), and it's significant with or without that outlier in the upper-right corner (Nevada). The mechanisms for how this contributes is important -- is it unemployment? Is it that state governments with a larger housing bubble got more confident and spent as if all those property taxes were on their way? Are there other important, causal mechanisms? These are all good and crucial questions for us to answer, ones we should take up when we finish scapegoating teachers.

    Mike Konczal is a Fellow at the Roosevelt Institute.

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  • Do the Benefits of Free Trade with China Outweigh the Damage to American Workers' Lives?

    Feb 22, 2011Mike Konczal

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