The Foreclosure Crisis: A Government in Denial

Jan 9, 2012Bruce Judson

mortgage-crisis-150The Federal Reserve sent a warning shot that housing is the greatest threat to the economy. The government should take note.

mortgage-crisis-150The Federal Reserve sent a warning shot that housing is the greatest threat to the economy. The government should take note.

As we start the New Year, the executive branch and Congress continue to pretend the gravest risk to our economy and social stability does not exist: the ongoing foreclosure crisis. The financial crisis began with the housing crisis and it will not end until we resolve housing. Government policymakers who seemingly ignore this basic fact are leading the nation to another potential catastrophe.

This past week, a number of important events occurred in Washington, including important recess appointments by President Obama. However, the most noteworthy event did not make front page news: the Federal Reserve's (apparently) unsolicited memo to the committees of Congress that oversee financial services warning of the dangers the current housing market poses for the economy.

This represents an extraordinary action and underscores both the seriousness of the continuing crisis and the absence of meaningful discussion of the problem in Washington. Bernanke's memo reviewed federal actions to date and effectively concluded that they were unlikely to solve this national tragedy. The memo concluded, in part:

The challenges faced by the U.S. housing market today reflect, in part...a persistent excess supply of homes on the market; and losses arising from an often costly and inefficient foreclosure process (and from problems in the current servicing model more generally)... Absent any policies to help bridge this gap, the adjustment process will take longer...pushing house prices lower and thereby prolonging the downward pressure on the wealth of current homeowners and the resultant drag on the economy at large.

This memo is notable for several reasons. First, it's important to remember that when the Fed speaks, it does so in sober, limited terms. So an unprompted Fed warning suggesting "a persistent excess of supply" and a "resultant drag on the economy" is comparable to the Secretary of Homeland Security holding a press conference to warn of the risk of an imminent national emergency. Second, an unprompted memo from Bernanke to the House means that he is so deeply worried he felt the need to speak out in as strong a voice as his position permits. Third, the Fed rarely speaks on issues unrelated to its direct activities. Indeed, The Wall Street Journal subsequently wrote, "For an institution that jealously guards its independence, the Federal Reserve is wading into treacherous political waters."

Finally, co-ordinated speeches by three top Fed officials further indicate the depth of the Fed's concerns. On Friday, the presidents of the New York and Boston Fed banks and Betsy Duke, a Fed Governor, all gave speeches detailing the need for aggressive action to spur a housing recovery. For example, William Dudley, President of the New York Fed, told a group, "The ongoing weakness in housing has made it more difficult to achieve a vigorous economic recovery."

There are a multitude of other indicators that our current treatment of the housing sector will at minimum prevent an economic recovery and at worst have disastrous consequences for the stability of the financial sector as well as the health of the middle class. (For the record, my analysis leans toward the latter of these two viewpoints.) These include the reportedly poor health of our financial institutions (zombie banks), the administration's seeming efforts to cover this fact up, and the inevitable failure of federal homeowner assistance programs that rely on the cooperation of financial institutions whose profit incentives are in the reverse direction.

Consumer spending represents 70 percent of the nation's economy and is central to any economic recovery. To achieve sufficient aggregate demand (i.e. total spending on goods and services), this will require spending by middle-income individuals in addition to what we now call the 1%. The Fed report suggests that the housing crisis makes such a recovery unlikely.

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The report found that, in the aggregate, more than $7 trillion in home equity -- more than half of the aggregate home equity that existed in early 2006 -- has now been lost, noting, "This substantial blow to household wealth has significantly weakened household spending and consumer confidence." Moreover, "Middle-income households, as a group, have been particularly hard hit hit because home equity is a larger share of their wealth in the aggregate than it is for low-income households (who are less likely to be homeowners) or upper-income households (who own other forms of wealth such as financial assets and businesses)." These households have seen their home equity decline by an estimated 66 percent.

Moreover, the fear of a continuing loss of wealth (which is a cushion against job loss or other economic emergencies), the fear of job loss itself, the negative effects of underwater homes, lack of forbearance for unemployment (a point the Fed particularly emphasizes), and consumers struggling to meet mortgage payments in a far more difficult environment are all dragging the economy down.

There is also a far worse possibility. Today, an estimated 29 percent of all homes with mortgages are underwater. In addition, at least one respected analyst estimates that a total of 14 million homes will be foreclosed on from 2007 to the end of the crisis. This represents a hard-to-imagine one in every four mortgages. With foreclosures increasing, there is now such a looming imbalance of supply and demand that, as the Fed notes, further decreases in home prices are likely. Some believe home price reductions of another 20 percent are likely. This would, in all likelihood, have disastrous consequences on at least three fronts -- and ripple effects that are impossible to predict.

First, so many homeowners would be so far underwater that massive walkaways would be likely. The negative impact on consumer spending of such price declines would almost certainly lead to a vicious cycle of more job losses, leading to further walkaways by struggling consumers.

Second, the mortgage securities market would be in chaos. Nonperforming loans would lead to the forced recognition that bank capital (based on the value of mortgages in bank portfolios) is weak or insufficient.

Third, it is almost impossible to imagine foreclosures on the massive scale anticipated without dire social consequences or even some form of social unrest. As Peggy Noonan has observed, the real meaning of Occupy Wall Street is that this is just the beginning of the protests we are likely to see. "OWS is an expression of American discontent, and others will follow," she predicts. Protests and social unrest are particularly likely if people feel they are unfairly losing their homes to support irresponsible, law-breaking institutions that have successfully disregarded the fundamental rules of capitalism and good citizenship. Mechanisms to avoid this possibility are one of the central issues I address in my forthcoming book, Making Capitalism Work for the 99%: A Manifesto.

What is shocking is the almost total lack of attention the administration has paid to suffering homeowners. It's hard for me (and apparently Chairman Bernanke) to understand how the administration can possibly hope to revitalize the economy without seriously addressing the overhang of consumer housing debt. Moreover, the failure to address the risk this poses for a broader economic catastrophe borders on the inexcusable.

If President Obama is serious about saving the middle class and reducing income inequality, the administration needs to be far more aggressive in developing policies to keep homeowners as homeowners. As I have written before, this was one of FDR's central goals in the New Deal. Detailed proposals for addressing this extraordinary risk do exist. However, they will require a determined effort. There are solutions, but they are not simple.

What is most important right now is that we recognize we are in a lifeboat that will not reach land. We need to focus on implementing a meaningful solution to the problem. A clock is ticking and Washington needs to acknowledge that a witching hour is approaching.

Bruce Judson is Entrepreneur-in-Residence at the Yale Entrepreneurial Institute and a former Senior Faculty Fellow at the Yale School of Management.

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Jobs Numbers: The Good, the Bad, the Meh

Jan 6, 2012Mike Konczal

Some good news lurks in today's jobs numbers, but we're still a long way away from a real recovery.

Some good news lurks in today's jobs numbers, but we're still a long way away from a real recovery.

The new jobs numbers are out. Overall, 212,000 private sector jobs were created while 12,000 government jobs were lost, for a net total of 200,000 job gains. That loss, 12,000, is less than the average 23,000 government jobs that were lost per month in 2011, so it boosts the headline number. Yet 12,000 is still a lot to lose, especially when so many of those numbers come from education -- at least 9,000 local-level education jobs were cut.

Where's the good news? There were solid increases in weekly hours (+0.5%) and payroll (+0.7%), meaning employed people are getting more money in their pockets. With more money, they can spend more, which will employ other people and create a virtuous loop of spending and employment. This will help boost demand broadly and start to add some energy to a depressed economy. If sustained, it could help take the current jobs reports -- which are good but not enough to end the unemployment crisis we currently have -- and turn them into jobs numbers capable of bringing about a serious recovery.

But there's also an apparent queue for who will get jobs first. Right now we are seeing most job gains go to men and to those with higher education. Men have been gaining jobs over women across industries and occupations throughout 2011 -- and in the household survey women lost jobs last month. The employment-to-population ratio went down to 53 percent for women last month, bringing it to the lowest levels since 1988. The Roosevelt Institute will be doing additional research on this topic in 2012.

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What's on the horizon? Something needs to trigger these 200,000 jobs a month reports into the 250,000 to 400,000 range.  At the current rate, we won't see full employment until 2024. Something needs to kick in. One way this could happen is if household formation takes off in 2012. There's a shadow household inventory of adults living with parents and adults living with other adults who, in better times, would have moved out. Household formations would take stress off the terrible housing market, but is it likely to take off itself without a boost? I'll be following this argument throughout the year.

The other big way to put more gas in the economy's engine is through expanded fiscal and monetary policy. There's no sign from inflation or government borrowing rates that we've hit a danger zone in stimulating the economy, and there's plenty of slack in the short-term to put idle resources to work.

Mike Konczal is a Fellow at the Roosevelt Institute.

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The Womancession Will Prolong Our Economic Slump

Jan 4, 2012Bryce Covert

They oversee 80 percent of consumer spending. While they suffer, the economy suffers.

They oversee 80 percent of consumer spending. While they suffer, the economy suffers.

The New York Times reported earlier this week that consumer spending, while slightly up for the holidays, wasn't as strong as many were hoping and ended up looking pretty depressed in 2011. Consumers' unwillingness to open up their pocketbooks and go on credit-fueled shopping sprees portends dismal economic growth in the near future. They have already cut back so far that there is "little room for a big increase in spending in 2012," as the article puts it. And it reports, "Consumer spending makes up 70 percent of the economy, so until it ignites, general growth is likely to be sluggish."

It's no mistake that both the people interviewed for the article were women. There's Sarah M. Manley from Minnesota, who has frozen crab legs she bought on discount stowed away for Valentine's Day and now buys milk in plastic bags from the gas station instead of in cartons. There's also Lynette Paudel of Ohio, who plans to drive her 2003 minivan until it breaks but was lucky enough to avoid being let go from her high school English teaching job. When it comes to talk of consumer spending, we might as well be talking almost exclusively about women. They oversee 80 percent of consumer spending, totaling $3.7 trillion. As long as they continue to suffer in the recession, the rest of the economy will sputter along.

Paudel is very lucky to have kept her teaching job. Since the recovery officially began in 2009, women have actually been losing jobs. They saw 46,000 disappear, while at the same time men made some gains, getting back 1.26 million. Women's unemployment rate has also inched up while men saw a decline. And a large part of that trend is that women were big losers in public sector layoffs, losing 374,000 jobs. A lot of those came from public education jobs -- elementary and high school teachers like Paudel.

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That's not the whole story, however. Men have also been making gains in the public sector while women lost, driven by huge job losses for administrative and secretarial positions. Men are even gaining in the traditionally female-dominated retail industry.

Even those women who are still employed are likely struggling with other factors. Housing debt is a huge barrier holding consumers back. The Times article reports, "with more than one in every five borrowers still owing more than their homes are worth, many homeowners feel too pressed to spend on much more than the essentials." But as the Consumer Federation of America found, women were 32 percent more likely to receive subprime mortgages than men across all product lines, even though they have similar credit profiles. Those high-cost loans, often pawned off on those who could least afford them, have led to a massive wave of foreclosures and put many homeowners underwater. And overall, women's representation in the mortgage market has grown in recent decades -- the number of single women homeowners, for example, grew by 4 million between 1994 and 2002. They're likely to be struggling under heavy mortgage debt loads.

They also, of course, make less than their male counterparts for similar work. So while American workers' wages have stagnated over the past three decades, women have yet to even catch up to men.

It's likely that some of the women overseeing that 80 percent of consumer spending aren't going it alone. Many are making decisions for their families' spending, and if they are unemployed hopefully they can rely on income from an employed spouse. (Although in a recent poll almost a quarter of respondents had a family member who had experienced job loss.) But if consumer spending is going to continue driving the economy, and the economic recovery, what's happening to women in the recovery period can't be ignored. Things have been bad and show no sign of looking up.

Bryce Covert is Editor of New Deal 2.0.

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We Need FDR-Style Proposals to Solve All Our Big Problems

Jan 3, 2012Jon Rynn

fdr-signing-papers-150The New Deal took on many interconnected issues all at once. We need to do the same.

fdr-signing-papers-150The New Deal took on many interconnected issues all at once. We need to do the same.

Both Democrats and environmentalists seem to be searching for new sources of support, according to articles from Thomas Edsall and Leslie Kaufman. For Democrats, the problem is the state of mind of the “white working class,” while for environmentalists the problem is to convince the public that something should be done about climate change. In both cases, the dilemma is the same: the solutions offered do not solve the existing problems, and the public knows it. The working class would likely be wooed if someone proposed a government-led policy of putting millions of people to work rebuilding our infrastructure and the manufacturing base. The general public would likely back policies to prevent global warming if someone advanced a credible program of building a carbon-free economy. Both could be combined in a program that would employ tens of millions to build sustainable transportation, energy, and urban infrastructure, as I have proposed. It will take a holistic -- and therefore credible -- plan to convince voters.

Edsall’s article, and much of the discussion surrounding it, neglects to mention an obvious problem: working class voters are working class because most of them, throughout history, have had manufacturing jobs, and in the United States, those manufacturing jobs have been disappearing by the millions. The Democratic Party, for all of the policy proposals that address the decline of manufacturing, has never put forward a convincing plan to revive manufacturing and the millions of jobs that would go along with it. Surely if the central plank of the Democratic Party was to revive manufacturing -- and if there was a credible plan to do so -- then much of the white working class would come streaming back.

Part of the problem is that the Democratic Party never faced such daunting projects like rebuilding the core of the national economy. When FDR or even LBJ were president, the United States was the manufacturing colossus of the world. Their problem was to redistribute wealth, create a safety net, and increase demand for a never-ending supply of domestically manufactured goods and good, middle-class manufacturing jobs. There is no precedent in the United States for what needs to be done now -- a focused industrial policy led by the government.

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But the New Deal offers a political lesson on the importance of an interlinking set of policies that cut across issue areas, a lesson that can help both the Democratic Party and the environmental movement. FDR’s programs incorporated labor policies in the form of the Wagner Act, legalizing the activities of unions, which helped lead to a thriving middle class. It included conservation policies, such as the Civilian Conservation Corps, that employed millions of people who helped to rebuild forests, parks, and agricultural areas. There was the TVA, which used a holistic approach to build up the economy of an entire region based on an energy plan. It included the first plans for a national road system, which eventually resulted in the Interstate Highway System. The mortgage industry, and thus the basis for the later housing industry, was virtually created from scratch. Social Security and the first welfare programs were designed to give people a safety net. Glass-Steagall and the Pecora Commission restructured the financial system.

The parallels are clear for what is needed today. We need millions of green jobs, and tens of millions of jobs, period. We need energy plans and a rebuilding of the agricultural system, and we need an interstate transportation system, this time centered on electric rail. We need a different financial system, perhaps centered on public banks. But what we probably most need is to interconnect all of these issues and create a base for a majority coalition of the electorate, just as the public came to support FDR’s programs under the label of the New Deal.

Similarly, policies for overcoming global warming and other environmental catastrophes will need to be incorporated into a wider rubric, perhaps a "Green New Deal," that encompasses manufacturing, jobs for the tens of millions who are unemployed or underemployed, renewable energy, transit, rebuilding infrastructure, and financial reform.

The point is not to idealize the New Deal or deify FDR. We need to learn the lessons of American history that can be useful for us today. We now face a linked set of economic crises, as did progressives in the 1930s. A program that says, “We will hire tens of millions of people” lets people know that the problem, unemployment, will be solved. A program that says, “We will build the wind farms and solar panels and transit and buildings that will make our economy carbon-free” informs people that the proposers of this kind of program know how to solve the problem. A truly believable plan has to convince people that both outcomes will be reached.

These ideas may seem politically impossible, but all great changes seem impossible before they happen. It is possible to propose policies, and the Democratic Party could propose programs that would be guaranteed to put the working class, and the rest of the employable population, to useful, well-paying work. Environmentalists could propose policies that have a reasonable chance of correcting civilization-endangering environmental problems – which would also involve putting everyone who wanted a job to work. Let’s think outside the box.

Jon Rynn is the author of the book Manufacturing Green Prosperity: The power to rebuild the American middle class, available from Praeger Press. He holds a Ph.D. in political science and is a Visiting Scholar at the CUNY Institute for Urban Systems.

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How the CCC Blazed a Trail for Conservation and Education

Dec 22, 2011David Woolner

A new book details the history of a program that educated and employed millions of Americans and established one of our most precious resources.

A new book details the history of a program that educated and employed millions of Americans and established one of our most precious resources.

In a remarkable new book entitled Our Mark on this Land: A Guide to the Legacy of the CCC in America's Parks, Ren and Helen Davis remind us of just how powerful and long lasting visionary leadership can be. The book details the enormous impact that Franklin Roosevelt's Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) had on our country, not only through the massive reforestation programs that resulted in the planting of over 3 billion trees, but also through the restoration and expansion of one our nation's most treasured public resources: our state and national parks.

Over the course of its 10-year history, the CCC employed over 3 million men in what the authors describe as the largest peacetime mobilization of manpower in U.S. history. What is perhaps even more remarkable is that this mobilization began within the first 100 days of FDR's administration, in the midst of the worst economic crisis in American history and at a time when there was little to no state apparatus to launch such a program. Moreover, like many of the New Deal programs, the CCC was multifaceted. It was designed to accomplish multiple goals simultaneously and was in fact much more than a conservation program. It was also a youth unemployment program, an urban assistance program, and -- as is largely unknown -- an educational program.

Within months of its inception, CCC administrations discovered that there was a critical need for technical training and, above all, basic literacy instruction. As such, CCC workers were also tasked with building their own classrooms where CCC employees could take remedial classes. As the CCC program progressed, more advanced instruction was offered in a variety of subjects, including mathematics and history, along with more basic technical and vocational training. These programs also helped to employ many jobless teachers. Over time, the educational mission of the CCC became extremely popular and by the late 1930s more than 90 percent of the CCC workers were enrolled in some sort of educational program.

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But it is the more tangible work of the CCC that is so magnificently catalogued in this book. As the Davises note, the legacy of the CCC lives on in hundreds of parks across the country. Here, CCC workers cut thousands of miles of trails, built innumerable bridges and roads, designed and constructed thousands of rustic cottages and other buildings, and helped transform the National Parks Service into a truly national agency. Most important, however, was the effect that the CCC had on the ethos of the nation. For in sponsoring what the authors call a "second golden age" of conservation, and by providing through their labor unprecedented access to our nation's wild places, the CCC fostered greater appreciation for the preservation and enhancement of our nation's natural resources. And as more recent scholarship reveals, it also helped sow the seeds of the modern environmental movement.

At a time when the United States is once again struggling with high unemployment and growing level of poverty, especially among the urban poor, launching a program like the CCC to help restore our nation's blighted and impoverished inner cities makes sense. Such a program could do much to help restore both the physical and ethical challenges we face as nation. It would also provide the millions of young people trapped in the despair of poverty with meaningful employment, a chance to further education, and the one thing that FDR was determined to provide above all else: hope for the future.

David Woolner is a Senior Fellow and Hyde Park Resident Historian for the Roosevelt Institute. He is currently writing a book entitled Cordell Hull, Anthony Eden and the Search for Anglo-American Cooperation, 1933-1938. He is also the co-author with Henry Henderson of FDR and the Environment.

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Alan Blinder's Economic Forecast: At Least a Decade of High Unemployment

Dec 21, 2011Tim Price

Last week, Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Bo Cutter hosted Princeton economist and Wall Street Journal columnist Alan S. Blinder at the Next American Economy breakfast series, where the two discussed how much longer we'll have to wait before the U.S. recovery starts living up to its name. In the video below, Blinder tells Bo why he believes it will be a decade or more before the economy bounces back:

Last week, Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Bo Cutter hosted Princeton economist and Wall Street Journal columnist Alan S. Blinder at the Next American Economy breakfast series, where the two discussed how much longer we'll have to wait before the U.S. recovery starts living up to its name. In the video below, Blinder tells Bo why he believes it will be a decade or more before the economy bounces back:

Asked when we'll reach full employment, Blinder says that "with the kinds of job creation numbers we've been having since we went from job destruction to job creation, the answer is almost never." He notes that even if the economy was creating 208,000 jobs per month, which is much better than we've done so far, it would take until 2024 for the job market to fully recover. "Relative to the U.S. history after recessions of recovering to full employment, that's just something that's never happened since the 1930s."

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Beyond the obvious bad news for those who are already looking for work, this kind of persistent jobs crisis spells trouble for young Americans. Blinder points out that "when you have what Marx would have called a reserve army of the unemployed, that's a very disadvantageous background for new job-seekers." Unemployment early in one's career can have long-lasting effects, and as of now, "you're talking about half a generation of young people, at least, graduating into a very weak job market."

For more, including Blinder's thoughts on the new structural pressures the U.S. will have to contend with in the years to come, check out his full talk:

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Powering Forward: The Case for Renewable Energy Incentives

Dec 20, 2011Cory Connolly

To create jobs, encourage economic growth, and ensure a sustainable future, Congress must continue to support clean energy.

To create jobs, encourage economic growth, and ensure a sustainable future, Congress must continue to support clean energy.

Since the recession began, renewable energy, the environment, and climate change have taken a back seat in political discussions. However, the development of the renewable energy industry has been a rare bright spot during tough economic times. The clean energy economy continues to grow, creating jobs, mitigating carbon emissions, improving energy security, and carving out a place in the international market. For this progress to be sustained and even accelerated, federal tax incentives need to be extended.

Clean energy industries, like wind, solar, and biodiesel, have taken advantage of federal tax incentives like the Production Tax Credit (PTC), Investment Tax Credit (ITC), and the Treasury Cash Grant to carve out an important and growing sector of the U.S. economy. However, many of those incentives are now in danger. The PTC, which provides 2.2 cents per kilowatt-hour of wind energy produced for the first 10 years of a project, is set to expire at the end of 2012. Its extension is currently being debated in Congress and is critical to the continued viability and progress of the wind industry. With 54,000 new or saved jobs at stake in wind, industry leaders are also advocating for a four-year extension of the PTC. The cash grant, also known as program 1603 of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, is slated to expire at the end of 2011. According to an SEIA report released last week, this will spell trouble for the solar industry.

With calls for austerity measures and government cutbacks on basic social services, these incentives may not seem affordable, but what many aren't aware of is the progress and innovation that these policies have stimulated. Solar energy is expected to reach grid parity in the short term, wind energy is becoming more competitive, and in a few regions of the U.S. both technologies are now claimed to be competitive with traditional sources. In the last four years, wind generation has accounted for 35 percent of all new generating capacity, and at the current rate the wind industry alone is expected to create 500,000 jobs by 2030.

The SEIA report also showed that installed generation capacity from solar has increased 10-fold since 2005 and that the third quarter of 2011 saw 140 percent growth in capacity installed compared to the same quarter in the previous year. In 2011, federal incentives helped the industry reach a total of over 100,000 solar-related jobs in the U.S. The cash grant has made 3,600 grants, totaling $1.5 billion, and, according to Milbank's Alan Marks, has leveraged over $22 billion in private investment. Having funded 22,000 projects in 47 states, the cash grant's impact has been remarkable and its ability to support a still developing industry is proven.

As these incentives have stimulated progress in clean energy industries, they have clearly had an economic impact at the state level. As of early 2011, clean energy technology was the fastest growing sector in Michigan, the auto capital of the world. California is home to 25,575 solar-related jobs alone. Combined with state renewable portfolio standards (RPS), which set a target percentage of renewable generation by a specific year, and other state and municipal incentives, the federal tax incentive programs have had amplified success in numerous states.

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Not only have the tax incentives accelerated the adoption of clean energy and driven the creation of manufacturing jobs, but they have also helped stimulate innovative and entrepreneurial activity in the energy sector -- something that has rarely been done in an industry that is traditionally centralized, concentrated, and unaccommodating to entrepreneurs. Innovative business models have been developed by companies like SunRun and Sungevity. These companies utilize incentives to help make solar affordable and accessible for consumers in the short term and are helping build the foundation for distributed energy generation in the long term. While nonprofit ventures like Solar Mosaic are not necessarily qualifying for federal incentives, they are also infiltrating the energy generation sector with models for community ownership of clean energy generation, thanks to the continued advancement of the industry. As new business models develop and this industry "booms," the only thing less desirable than the current uncertainty is the actual expiration of federal tax incentives.

Some might balk at or criticize subsidies for clean energy, and Congress clearly doesn't want to be seen as "picking favorites," particularly in light of the recent Solyndra controversy. Given these likely talking points, there are a couple of factors that need to be kept in mind when talking about subsidies for clean energy. First, the extension of the federal tax incentives is not indefinite -- federal incentives will be removed as soon as the technologies and the sector have matured enough to compete and thrive. That is to say, they will be removed when they have done their job. Second, subsidies and tax incentives are pervasive but unbalanced in the energy industry. According to the 2011 IEA World Energy Outlook, global fossil-fuel subsidies amounted to $409 billion in 2010, while global renewable energy subsidies totaled a mere $66 billion. Renewable energy technologies are advancing rapidly but need support to compete with established carbon emitting fossil fuels and the already existing subsidies.

While monetary support is clearly lopsided internationally, it is important to note that from 2007 to 2010 renewable energy subsidies increased from $39 billion to $66 billion globally. This indicates that, despite the global economic downturn, governments are seeing an upside to increased investment in renewable energy. As Steven Cohen pointed out in a Huffington Post piece supporting the extension of 1603, "Destroying solar energy in America will not kill the industry worldwide, it will simply eliminate America's prominent role in a very promising, emerging industry." With volatile oil markets, continued climate concerns, and the electrification of developing countries, it is clear that there is an important place for clean energy in the international market -- it is just a matter of America's ability to capture it.

A clean energy economy is in sight, but if we don't embrace its successes and support its growth, we'll lose its economic and environmental benefits. We need to find better ways to advertise and communicate the progress of clean energy and the important role of incentives in these and future successes. The wind and solar industries have seen unprecedented success in recent years thanks in large part to the Production Tax Credit and the section 1603 cash grant. These industries aren't yet prepared to stand on their own, but given enough time and support they may become strong enough to fuel a rejuvenated U.S. economy.

Cory Connolly is a Roosevelt Institute | Pipeline Fellow focusing on the development of the clean energy economy.

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Cutting Back on Childcare Assistance Puts Single Mothers in the Hole

Dec 15, 2011Bryce Covert

As states pull back on support for childcare services, single mothers will have an even harder time building wealth and staying out of debt.

As states pull back on support for childcare services, single mothers will have an even harder time building wealth and staying out of debt.

Single mothers aren't faring very well in the recovery. Their unemployment rate was 12.4 percent in November, up from 11.7 percent in June 2009. An unemployed single mother will clearly need help with at least one thing to go out and get another job: childcare. And those who have jobs are still trying to make ends meet, potentially working longer hours and in need of someone to care for their children. But just as the need for childcare assistance is surely rising, states are cutting back. A new report from the National Women's Law Center shows that those in need of assistance were worse off this year compared to last year in 37 states when it came to income eligibility limits to qualify, waiting lists, copayments, reimbursement rates, and eligibility for assistance to parents looking for a job.

Denying women support for childcare will directly impact their ability to save and their need to take on debt. As a report from NYU Wagner, "At Rope's End," says, "The hefty costs associated with single parenthood, which include childcare, housing, food, health insurance, among others, decrease the likelihood that, even with a stable income, these mothers will be able to accrue wealth." And paying for childcare is no small cost. The average price of full-time care can range from $3,600 to $18,200 annually, according to the NWLC report, and At Rope's End estimates that this cost accounts for over three-quarters of single mothers' monthly expenditures.

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The effects can be seen in single women's wealth building and debt loads. Wealth is measured by subtracting total debt from total assets; single mothers have a median wealth of only $100. Meanwhile, over three-fourths of single mothers have some kind of debt, and the most common form is credit card debt. Almost half of single mothers -- 47 percent -- have that type of debt, and the median amount is $1,200. When childcare takes up three-quarters of your budget, the other expenses likely have to be put on plastic to make ends meet.

And of course credit card debt can quickly become an expense in and of itself. While about a quarter of single mothers have debt related to education and about 30 percent have debt to own homes, the interest rates are quite different. The 30-year fixed mortgage rate is at a record low of 3.94 percent. The interest rate on federal Stafford student loans is 6.8 percent and is 7.9 percent for PLUS loans. Compare that to the average credit card interest rate, 16.75 percent. Any revolving balance left on a credit card will quickly increase the amount of money owed. Not to mention that while student and home debt is certainly a heavy burden on many right now, they at least go toward paying for a potential asset. Credit card debt gets you nothing.

Childcare assistance is not just about the need to support young children's development, or about helping unemployed single mothers get back to work, or making sure employers have female employees who are able to show up at work. Those are all issues. But it's also about keeping single mothers out of debt and helping them build the wealth they need to provide for their families.

Bryce Covert is Editor of New Deal 2.0.

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The Unfinished Business After the End of the Iraq War

Dec 13, 2011Caitlin Howarth

As an era ends, Iraqis will grapple with their own security while veterans will adjust to the labor market back at home.

As an era ends, Iraqis will grapple with their own security while veterans will adjust to the labor market back at home.

Yesterday, President Obama gave a joint appearance with Iraq's Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to mark the final withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq. In announcing the holiday homecoming, the president has made good on his promise to bring the war to an end. For thousands of families welcoming their loved ones home, it is a time for joy; for the country, it is a time for gratitude.

Now is also a time for healing. Both the people of Iraq and U.S. veterans have wounds to heal and relationships to rebuild. The veterans come home to a still-struggling economy, limited jobs, and complex health issues. Iraqis are still picking up the pieces of an infrastructure shattered by war and complicated by sectarian tension; living in the midst of regional upheaval presents no easy road, either. Five years ago, when I studied the smaller pockets of Iraq's sectarian violence, the ugliness of what can happen in a power vacuum appeared overwhelming. The reality of what happens when some people have plenty of weapons and no accountability remains a major concern -- and not just among Iraqis.

Alongside the president's statement today came the news that Academi, the latest version of Erik Prince's Blackwater, will be seeking more contracts in Iraq. As U.S. troops withdraw, let's hope that more of Prince's finest won't need to fill any gaps. If the White House is correct in its assertion that U.S. troops have properly trained and equipped the Iraqis to handle their own security (or if Blackwater is unable to shed its old reputation along with its name), then perhaps there's hope that the 5,000 contractors withdrawing this month won't be replaced in the year ahead.

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Should Blackwater return, or should the Iraqis be unable to manage their own security, the state runs the risk of returning to a model where rule of force always supersedes the rule of law. A legitimate police force -- which Blackwater has no hope of being part of -- provides more than just peace of mind. It gives the strongest signal that Iraq will not become another Arab Spring cautionary tale. So often, the police have been the primary muscle (and most intimidating agents) of ruthless regimes in Syria and Egypt. If the Iraq war has truly ended responsibly and well, then the rule of law and a legitimate police force will be the best signals of American success.

For veterans returning home, success is both simple and challenging. Troops trained in highly specific skills for the battlefield need skills for the boardroom; those broken in battle need fully funded health care and a proactive approach to helping them take the next step. Fortunately, new tools for building post-military careers seem promising. Last week, the Department of Veterans Affairs announced a slate of new online tools that help veterans access details about their service record and translate their skills for prospective employers.  Since channeling veterans into new careers is the single most proactive way to ensure their success -- personally and economically -- measures like this will need to grow as the administration carefully tracks veteran employment rates. To date, those rates have hardly been inspiring. But our veterans' future health and security depend on this success. (For more recommendations on improving veterans' employment, check out Iraq veteran Tim Embree's testimony before the House Veterans Affairs committee.)

Ultimately, no single week will ever quite suffice as "the end" to this chapter of our history. For those who made the ultimate sacrifice, there is no homecoming. For those rebuilding Iraq, there is no immediate end. For veterans, there is the next challenge of another chapter of life.

But for all of us, there is the recognition that today, we can turn a page in our history. And for that we can be grateful.

Caitlin Howarth is a Roosevelt Institute | Pipeline Fellow focusing on human security at home and abroad.

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Flournoy Leaves the Pentagon: Another Sign That Our Workplace Policies Fail Women

Dec 13, 2011Bryce Covert

If women continue to be penalized for flexible work needs and depended upon for household and childcare duties, they will continue to face impossible choices.

If women continue to be penalized for flexible work needs and depended upon for household and childcare duties, they will continue to face impossible choices.

Women have made huge strides in the workforce, now accounting for half of it. But our policies haven't kept up with them. That fact was made strikingly clear by a story today about Michèle A. Flournoy, the chief policy adviser to Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta and one of the highest-ranking women in the history of the Pentagon, stepping down from her job to "rebalance" her life and spend more time with her children. The article cites the fact that she "is often at the Pentagon from 7 a.m. to 8 p.m. daily, plus many weekends, a typical work schedule for a top Defense Department official."

As women have made strides in the workforce, they are heavily congregated in the public sector, working for governments at every level. They make up 61 percent of the workers at the local level, 52 percent at the state level, and 43 percent at the federal level. Why have women flocked to the public sector? Because just as for minorities, historically it was a place that welcomed them, more so than the private sector. But even as the percentages make clear, women's involvement slows down the further up you go, from local to federal.

Why this drop off? There was a big to-do in September over whether the Obama administration is a woman-friendly work environment. But what may be more to the point is that few work environments are friendly to women's family obligations, including the federal government. Its policies haven't caught up to the needs of its female employees.

The U.S. is still among a very small handful of countries that don't mandate paid maternity leave, keeping company with no industrialized countries -- just Papua New Guinea, Lesotho, and Swaziland. In 2010, 44 million workers lacked access to paid sick days, which means that even if a child is too sick to go to school, a mother can lose her job to stay home and care for her. And flexible workplace policies, which it sounds like Flournoy desperately needed, are almost unheard of. A study by the Department of Labor found that under 30 percent of full-time workers can vary the times they begin and end their work day -- and only one-third of those, or 10 percent of the entire workforce, actually have official flextime policies at their place of work. So it's little wonder that even a government division like the Department of Defense would be one more workplace that wasn't able to accommodate a mother.

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The other side of the coin is Flournoy's husband. The article on her job transition briefly mentions him: "Ms. Flournoy is married to W. Scott Gould, a career naval officer who is No. 2 at the Department of Veterans Affairs." There's no mention of his hours or whether he considered leaving his position to be with their school-age children. That's pretty typical of most families: women in the U.S. still do the majority of housework and care work, even when they're employed. Employed women do twice the amount of housework as men. Women spend over an hour providing care to their children on an average day; men spend 26 minutes. If women are already expected to be the primary workers for this kind of labor while employed, why wouldn't it make sense for them to get rid of their jobs to focus on it full-time, rather than ask their husbands to do it?

Flournoy is certainly entitled to decide what's best for her family and to leave her job, but she harms both her own career and the paths she blazes for other women by doing so. Had she stayed in her current role, the story reports, she was widely seen as a "likely candidate to be the first female defense secretary years from now, when she would have more experience." By dropping out, she loses that experience and thus is not likely to advance. This is a big part of the leaky pipeline for many professions and why women have yet to make up our 50 percent share at the highest ranks.

And by not continuing on, she opens fewer doors for women to follow in her footsteps. She herself said in 2009, "The thing I feel the most is wanting to do well by the younger women who are counting on me to kind of open doors and blaze a trail for them." Her leaving is not a personal failing. It's a failing of our society to protect and support women workers and their needs.

Bryce Covert is Editor of New Deal 2.0.

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