Daily Digest - March 27: Playing in the Big Leagues of the Labor Debate

Mar 27, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

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Northwestern Players Get Union Vote (ESPN)

The Chicago district of the National Labor Relations Board has ruled that Northwestern's football players qualify as employees, in part because their scholarships are tied to performance, reports Brian Bennett.

Connecticut Senate Approves Bill to Raise Minimum Wage to $10.10 (Reuters)

The state legislature's lower house is expected to pass the bill as well, reports Richard Weizel, which would make Connecticut's minimum wage the highest of any state's.

Who Needs a Boss? (NYT)

Worker-owned cooperative businesses could be a key way to shift wealth from investors to labor and reduce economic inequality, writes Shaila Dewan. And such co-ops are on the rise again in the U.S.

Payday Loans Aren’t the Problem. The Problem is Poverty. (WaPo)

Lydia DePillis argues that when discussing regulations for predatory payday lending, it's important not to lose sight of the root cause. In the long run, fighting poverty will do far more than increasing regulations.

Taxpayer Subsidies and Too-Big-to-Fail Banks (NYT)

Teresa Tritch suggests that the Federal Reserve of New York's study on "too big to fail" ends without clarity, since the data only goes through 2009, before the biggest post-crisis reforms were even passed into law.

Piketty's Inequality Story in Six Charts (The New Yorker)

John Cassidy pulls six charts from Thomas Pikkety's book, Capital in the Twenty-first Century, to explain the book's narrative of inequality through shares of income and wealth of various groups.

New on Next New Deal

National Labor Law in the United States: Scanty Protections for Organizing Leave Out Many Workers

In the third post in his series on his new report on labor reform, Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Richard Kirsch examines the weaknesses of American labor law, particularly the National Labor Relations Act.

 

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How the Weakening of American Labor Led to the Shrinking of America’s Middle Class

Mar 26, 2014Richard Kirsch

This is the second in a series of posts summarizing a new Roosevelt Institute report by Senior Fellow Richard Kirsch, entitled “The Future of Work in America: Policies to Empower American Workers and Ensure Prosperity for All”.

This is the second in a series of posts summarizing a new Roosevelt Institute report by Senior Fellow Richard Kirsch, entitled “The Future of Work in America: Policies to Empower American Workers and Ensure Prosperity for All”. The report provides a short history of how the rise and decline of unions and then explores reforms in labor policy to empower American workers to organize unions and rebuild the middle class.  Today’s post describes the corporate effort beginning in the 1970s to grab more of the nation’s wealth, at the expense of workers.

When General Motors President Charles Wilson told a U.S. Senate Committee in 1953 that what was good for General Motors was good for the country, he captured an era in which the good wages and benefits earned by the workers at U.S. manufacturing companies powered the nation’s economy and built the middle class.

But sixty years later, what is good for the GM of our day – Walmart – is clearly not good for America, as a comparison between the biggest private employers of both eras underscores. While the American auto industry operated on the premise of one of its founders, Henry Ford, that workers should get paid enough to buy its costly products, Walmart operates on the premise that its workers should get paid so little that the only place they can afford to shop is at their low-priced employer.

A General Motors plant was the anchor of a community. It became the hub of a supply line for auto parts manufactured by other unionized companies. Its managers and factory workers earned enough to shop at local businesses and pay taxes to support public services. They had the resources and time to participate in the life of the community. They expected to stay with GM for their entire careers and to retire on a pension earned while working at the firm.

How very different from Walmart. When a Walmart opens up, local businesses close. Wages decline throughout the community. Many of the items in a Walmart store are made outside of the country, part of a global supply chain built in search of lower wages in order to meet Walmart’s low pricing demands. Workers often earn so little that they qualify for government benefits. Many Walmart employees are hired part-time or as temps. They lack job security and retirement security, other than the small Social Security checks their wages will accrue.

There are stark differences between prospects for organizing workers into a union between the auto factories of the 20th century and the Walmarts of today. The GM plant in which workers staged the famous sit-down strike in Flint, Michigan in 1937 employed 47,000 workers. The average Walmart store employs 300 workers. It would be too expensive for an auto manufacturer to shutter a factory threatened by a strike. But when workers voted to unionize a store in Canada, Walmart closed down that location, a small loss for a company with 4,200 stores.

How did the transition from the manufacturing economy to the Walmart economy occur? The breakdown of the union and government enforced New Deal social compact, in which major corporations shared their profits with their workers, began in the mid-1970s. The resurgence of economies around the globe and the shocks of oil price increases threatened the dominance and profitability of American business. The U.S. began bleeding manufacturing jobs, a loss of 2.4 million jobs between 1979 and 1983.

U.S. corporations responded in a number of ways. One was to insist that, in the words of a 1974 Business Week editorial, “Some people will have to do with less…so that big business can have more.”

Corporations increased their focus on rewarding shareholders with short-term profits, rather than investing in their workers or in long-run growth. General Electric, for example, slashed its workforce and cut investment in research, and its stock price soared.

When Chrysler faced bankruptcy in 1979, the United Auto Workers agreed to an end to annual wage increases tied to productivity. These concessions were then extended to unionized workers at Ford and General Motors. As Harold Meyerson writes, “Henceforth, as the productivity of the American economy increased, the wages of the American economy would not increase with it.”

Corporations also began exploiting weaknesses in U.S. labor law, which allowed corporations to hire replacements for striking workers. In 1981, a period of high unemployment, President Ronald Reagan fired the nation’s air-traffic controllers for going out on strike. Major firms in a host of industries followed Reagan’s precedent: they demanded that their workers accept lower wages, which precipitated strikes, and then hired replacement workers at lower wages. The strike - the central tool that workers had used to win their fair share of economic growth - virtually evaporated over the next few decades. In the 1960s and 1970s, workers staged an average of 286 strikes a year. That declined to 83 strikes a year in the 1980s and finally to 20 a year since 2000.

In the early 1970s, after major consumer and environmental legislation was enacted by Congress over the objections of big business, Corporate trade associations moved their offices to the nation’s capital and made big investments in lobbying and campaign contributions. The policies they pushed included gutting trade protections for American manufactured goods. This eased the way for the loss of 900,000 textile and apparel jobs in the 1990s and 760,000 electronics manufacturing jobs in the past two decades.

Corporations pressed for the appointment of national labor law regulators who were antagonistic to unions. The combination of weak labor laws and hostile regulators enabled businesses to resist union organizing more aggressively. Unions lost members, and their political clout declined relative to surging corporate political power. Their efforts to win labor law reform fizzled, even in Democratic administrations from Carter to Clinton to Obama.

As major banks and Wall Street firms went public, they too became focused on short-term profits. They drove the businesses to which they loaned money or invested in to maximize their short-term profits by cutting pay and benefits and by firing workers. A hot private equity industry saddled businesses with huge debts and drove firms to slash labor costs.

While the labor movement as a whole was slow to respond, there were some major unions that refocused resources on organizing new members. These unions won some victories in a few sectors, notably health care and in the public sector. But the gains were not enough to reverse the decline of union membership in traditional strongholds like manufacturing and construction. Today, unionized workers make up 11% of the workforce, the lowest level in 97 years. With only 7% of private sector workers in unions, the labor movement can no longer play an effective role in raising workers’ wages throughout the economy.

American workers remain among the most productive in the world; productivity in major sectors like manufacturing continues to rise. But in industry after industry, the share of revenues going to wages has dropped, while the share going to profits has soared. Labor’s share of national income has plummeted, while the share taken by capital is at a record high. If median annual income had kept up with productivity, it would now be $86,426. But the current median income is actually $50,054, the lowest it has been since 1996 when adjusted for inflation.

Today, unemployment is stuck at high levels. Millions of workers are trapped in part-time jobs or jobs for which they are over-qualified. Most of the new jobs that have slowly emerged after the recession are low-wage jobs, but the proportion of high-wage jobs is also on the rise. It is the share of middle-wage jobs that is shrinking.

Economies will always face challenges. But the crushing of America’s middle-class over the past forty years was not inevitable. It was the result of decisions made directly by corporate America to advance public policies that enabled them to take more of America’s wealth and to share less with American workers. One of the most significant of these corporate strategies was to weaken the ability of unionized workers to demand a fair share of the nation’s growing wealth, whether they demanded their fair share at the bargaining table or in the halls of Congress.

Rebuilding the engine of our economy - the middle class - requires us to re-imagine how organized workers can once again exercise power to recreate an America in which prosperity is broadly shared.

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Daily Digest - March 26: Worker Misclassification Leads to Missing Wages

Mar 26, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

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The Death of an Employer Scam (TAP)

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The Death of an Employer Scam (TAP)

Workers who are misclassified as independent contractors lose out on wages, benefits, and workplace protections - but Harold Meyerson says recent crackdowns could signal the end of industry-wide misclassification.

Unemployed, and Heading Toward Foreclosure (MSNBC)

More than half of the long-term unemployed live in owner-occupied homes, reports Suzy Khimm, and now they're struggling to keep their homes with no income and less-than-successful safety net programs.

America's Class System Across The Life Cycle (PolicyShop)

Matt Bruenig borrows charts from a wide variety of sources to look at how income inequality effects full lives, from childhood stress levels, to college completion rates, to age of death.

The Right's New "Welfare Queens": The Middle Class (The New Yorker)

George Packer says that Republican Senators at a recent committee hearing preferred to pin the economy's problem on adults choosing not to work instead of income inequality.

Democrats, as Part of Midterm Strategy, to Schedule Votes on Pocketbook Issues (NYT)

Jeremy W. Peters and Michael D. Shear report that the Senate Democrats' goals are less about passing legislation to fight inequality than getting Republicans on record opposing these bills.

U.S. Banks Enjoy 'Too-Big-to-Fail' Advantage: Fed Study (Reuters)

Emily Stephenson and Jonathan Spicer report on a new series of research papers by Federal Reserve economists that confirm that "too big to fail" advantages continued into 2009, after the financial crisis.

Will a For-Profit Degree Help You Get a Job? (The Atlantic)

Graduates of 72 percent of for-profit college career programs earn less than high school dropouts, reports Sophie Quinton. That's led to concerns that such schools waste federal financial aid, and calls for tighter standards.

New on Next New Deal

How the Weakening of American Labor Led to the Shrinking of America’s Middle Class

In the second post in his series describing his new report on labor organizing reform, Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Richard Kirsch looks at the era in which corporations began to shift profits away from workers.

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Daily Digest - March 25: Organizing Towards Shared Prosperity

Mar 25, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

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The New Deal Launched Unions as Key to Building Middle Class (Next New Deal)

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The New Deal Launched Unions as Key to Building Middle Class (Next New Deal)

In the first of a series of posts summarizing his new report, which explores possibilities for labor-organizing reform, Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Richard Kirsch looks at the history of union organizing as a source of shared prosperity.

The Next Health-Care Debate (WaPo)

The Affordable Care Act's success will prove that government is indispensable in fighting widespread inequality, writes E.J. Dionne, who sources Roosevelt Institute Fellow Mike Konczal's work on why charity can't tackle the problem.

The U.S. Cities Where the Poor Are Most Segregated From Everyone Else (The Atlantic Cities)

Noting that "moral cynicism" is among the corrosive "neighborhood effects" of grinding poverty, Richard Florida looks at the data concerning the segregation and concentration poor people, which is greater in large, dense metro areas and where wages are higher.  

Freelancers Piece Together a Living in the Temp Economy (NYT)

Planning for the future in an age of job insecurity is nearly impossible, writes Adriene Hill. She reports on a Las Vegas woman who knows her current assortment of appearance-based gigs can't last forever.

Forces of Divergence (The New Yorker)

John Cassidy reviews Thomas Pikkety's Capital in the Twenty-first Century, which considers the swing back towards capital accumulation over wages in today's economy. Cassidy deems it a must-read for anyone interested in inequality.

The NLRB Must Restore Democracy in Chattanooga (Truthout)

John Logan calls on the National Labor Relations Board to overturn the recent United Auto Workers vote in Tennessee, because otherwise the NLRB will set a precedent that accepts outside interference.

The Law That Could Sink Birth Control Coverage (MSNBC)

In the context of today's Supreme Court hearing on the contraception mandate in the Affordable Care Act, Adam Serwer and Irin Carmon explain the history of the 1993 Religious Freedom Restoration Act.

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Daily Digest - March 24: Public Financing: Compromise Won't Fix Corruption

Mar 24, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

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A Promise Cuomo Can Keep (Albany Times Union)

Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Jonathan Soros and Frederick A.O. Schwartz call on New York's Governor Cuomo to avoid compromise on public campaign financing where concessions just extend a corrupt status quo.

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A Promise Cuomo Can Keep (Albany Times Union)

Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Jonathan Soros and Frederick A.O. Schwartz call on New York's Governor Cuomo to avoid compromise on public campaign financing where concessions just extend a corrupt status quo.

The Tea Party and Wall Street Might Not Be Best Friends Forever, But They Are for Now (TNR)

Tea Party Republicans in Congress insist that the financial crisis was all government's fault, says Roosevelt Institute Fellow Mike Konczal. That narrative, and the corresponding legislative agenda, couldn't make Wall Street happier.

Why Charity Can’t Replace the Safety Net (Slate)

Jordan Weissmann praises Mike Konczal's recent piece in Democracy Journal, emphasizing that charity can't replace government aid during recessions. Charitable donations drop just when need rises.

All Economics Is Local (NYT)

Raising the local minimum wage is an effective step towards reducing inequality, say Michael Reich and Ken Jacobs. Moreover, their research shows that low-income industries can absorb the increase and benefit from greater employee retention. 

Payday Lending: The Loans with 350% Interest and a Grip on America (The Guardian)

David Dayen explains the vast regulatory conundrum of these predatory loans. He lays out how state and national regulators, Congress, and the Justice Department are working side-by-side, but often a step behind lenders.

The End of Jobs? (In These Times)

Sarah Jaffe argues that under our current system, the shrinking of secure full-time work increases inequality. Instead, we could restructure our economy to push for a universal basic income and shorter working hours.

New on Next New Deal

Memo to Congress: Family Planning Needs More Funding

In her remarks at a Congressional briefing last week, Roosevelt Institute Fellow Andrea Flynn explains why publicly funded family planning needs to expand as the Affordable Care Act is implemented. 

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Daily Digest - March 21: When Long-Term Unemployment Becomes Permanent

Mar 21, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

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Unemployed? You Might Never Work Again (NYT)

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Unemployed? You Might Never Work Again (NYT)

Binyamin Appelbaum reports on a new study from three Princeton economists, which looks at the relationship between inflation and unemployment. They conclude that prospects for the unemployed diminish rapidly.

Income Inequality isn’t About the Rich — it’s about the rest of us (WaPo)

Catherine Rampell writes that Americans are less concerned about inequality when they also experience upward mobility. So if the 1 percent are tired of being vilified, she notes some policies they could support.

An 87 Percent Vote for a $15-an-Hour Wage (The Nation)

In an advisory referendum, Chicago voters showed overwhelming support for a high minimum wage for large employers, reports John Nichols. Now it's a question for the Chicago City Council and the Illinois gubernatorial candidates.

Pixel and Dimed: On (Not) Getting By in the Gig Economy (Fast Company)

Sarah Kessler writes about her attempts to let work come to her through smartphone apps offering paid-by-the-gig opportunities. This form of "entrepreneurship," as the companies like to call it, turns out to be less than viable.

How public sector layoffs add to the racial income gap (MSNBC)

Recent layoffs in the public sector disproportionately affected black communities, writes Ned Resnikoff, with a "probability of displacement," or likelihood of getting fired, 2.8 percent higher for blacks than whites.

Learn to Love This Loophole (U.S. News & World Report)

Programs that qualify people for heating assistance and food stamps at once have new requirements, but some governors are just raising heat aid to match, reports Pat Garofalo. Boehner calls that cheating instead of feeding the hungry.

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Daily Digest - March 20: The Safety Net - Government = ?

Mar 20, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

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The Voluntarism Fantasy (The Majority Report)

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The Voluntarism Fantasy (The Majority Report)

Sam Seder speaks with Roosevelt Institute Fellow Mike Konczal about Mike's new piece in Democracy Journal. Mike says the social safety net has always depended on the government.

The Tyranny of the On-Call Schedule: Hourly Injustice in Retail Labor (The Nation)

Michelle Chen explains the ways that retail scheduling has harmed workers' ability to plan their lives. On-call schedules mean not knowing how much you'll make or when you'll work, ever.

Journalists’ and Activists’ Strange Approach to Low-Wage Workers (WaPo)

Sarah Jaffe calls out the habit of representing low-wage workers as poor, unfortunate Others in need of our help. Any one of us could share the concerns and needs of low-wage workers.

Why Not Peg EITC Benefits to the Local Cost of Living? (PolicyShop)

David Callahan suggests President Obama could do better than simply increasing the earned income tax credit. For low-income workers living in high-cost areas, it would make a big difference.

Janet Yellen's Rookie Mistake: Speaking Too Clearly (Bloomberg Businessweek)

Janet Yellen, the new Federal Reserve Chair, needs to speak with less specificity, writes Peter Coy. Attaching a six-month timeframe to a vague written statement set off a market selloff.

The Key Question for Yellen: Is This Economy As Good As It Gets? (FiveThirtyEight)

Andrew Flowers considers the ways to measure economic potential, and what the Federal Reserve ought to do if we agree that the U.S. is still falling short.

Do We Need to Force People to Live in the Homes They Own? (Pacific Standard)

Real estate that isn't actually lived in may be a good investment, but it isn't good for a city, writes Kyle Chayka. He suggests that residency requirements could control rising rents.

New on Next New Deal

There's More to Fixing the Minimum Wage Than Just Raising It

Azi Hussain, Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network Senior Fellow for Economic Development, says that instead of tying the minimum wage to annual inflation, we should peg it to inflation over the business cycle to ensure flexibility.

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There's More to Fixing the Minimum Wage Than Just Raising It

Mar 19, 2014Azi Hussain

Increasing the minimum wage on a sporadic basis isn't the right way to help low-income workers or the economy.

Increasing the minimum wage on a sporadic basis isn't the right way to help low-income workers or the economy.

Support for a minimum wage increase is running high. What’s more is that there is strong support to tie the minimum wage to inflation, which is good news. Inflation has slowly chipped away at the value of the minimum wage since the late 1960s, so tying the minimum wage to inflation will ensure that its real value is kept constant.

Tying the minimum wage to inflation has another advantage. Currently, the minimum wage is increased sporadically and rarely, resulting in larger increases that are more harmful to employment. By tying the minimum wage to inflation, increases are smaller, regular, and predictable, and therefore less harmful.

However, tying the minimum wage directly to inflation is a bit crude. It means the minimum wage will increase every year by at least 1-2% (approximately the same rate as inflation). There are at least two situations where this could be problematic. The first is that during a recession, businesses would have to deal not only with decreasing demand and poor economic conditions, but also a rising wage. A minimum wage increase along with a recession would hurt employment above and beyond that of just a recession. On the other hand, during good times the minimum wage would still only increase by 1-2%, whereas the economy may very well be able to absorb a larger increase.

How can we design the minimum wage so that inflation doesn’t chip away at its value over time, while still giving it enough flexibility in increases to accommodate current economic conditions? The best way would be to tie the minimum wage to inflation over the business cycle instead of on an annual basis. The idea is that the minimum wage would increase during booms and would stay constant or may even decrease during busts. Over the course of a business cycle, the increases would offset the decreases enough so that the minimum wage would keep up with total inflation during that cycle. A good example of a similarly designed policy is Sweden’s balanced budget rule, which requires the government to run a budget surplus over the course of a business cycle. This allows the Swedish government to spend more than tax revenue during busts, but forces it to spend less than tax revenue during booms, so that the net result is a budget surplus.

Yet having flexibility in choosing an annual minimum wage means someone will need to decide how much it should increase or decrease. That “someone” should not include politicians. Rather, an independent board should be set up to make the annual decision. A great example of this in practice is the UK’s Low Pay Commission, an independent body that conducts research and makes the recommendation for the annual minimum wage change. This board could be set up with a mandate to tie the minimum wage to inflation over the business cycle.

Too often, great ideas are rendered less effective or even harmful as they are designed as policy. The upcoming minimum wage legislation, an important tool in the fight against rising inequality, could end becoming one of these policies. But designing it right could mean long-term success, for the betterment of low-income workers and our economy.

Azi Hussain is the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network Senior Fellow for Economic DevelopmentHe is a junior in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University majoring in International Political Economy.

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Daily Digest - March 19: What Colleges Can Give Back

Mar 19, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

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Op-Ed: GW Can Fight D.C.’s Income Divide with Endowment (The GW Hatchet)

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Op-Ed: GW Can Fight D.C.’s Income Divide with Endowment (The GW Hatchet)

David Meni and Zach Komes, leaders of the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network's George Washington University chapter, suggest their school should invest in financial institutions focused on community development.

  • Roosevelt Take: Roosevelt Institute Associate Director of Networked Initiatives Alan Smith explains Rethinking Communities, a Campus Network project examining how colleges and universities can have do more to help local economies.

Economic Reform Is a Human Right (The Nation)

Radhika Balakrishnan and James Heintz argue that a human rights framework can lead to better social and economic policy; for example, bailing out the banks but not homeowners could be considered a human rights violation.

Conservatives Defend Inequality out of Self-Interest — Nothing More (The Week)

Class interest keeps the wealthy from admitting that inequality harms economic growth, writes Sean McElwee, but they don't necessarily have bad intentions. He instead calls on them to do some self-examination.

The House GOP's Obamacare Alternative Won't Curb Health Care Costs—But It Will Enrich the Insurance Industry (MoJo)

The Republican plan includes restrictions on medical-malpractice lawsuits. Stephanie Mencimer cites a recent Florida Supreme Court decision, which declared that such restrictions only serve to increase profit for the insurers.

Costly Loans Are Drawing Attention From States (NYT)

Jessica Silver-Greenberg and Rachel Abrams report on the ways that short-term loan providers are working to get around existing regulations, and how states are starting to crack down.

The Polar Vortex Kept Shoppers at Home—Will the Economy Pick Up Now? (The Atlantic)

Matthew O'Brien looks at a study on car sales in January, which shows weaker growth in the states with the worst winters. But sales are everything: he says we'll know the economy is really picking up when people take on more debt.

Fast-Food Workers Get New Ally in New York City Fight for Fair Pay (The Guardian)

New York City's public advocate, Tish James, is stepping up to help in the wake of wage theft lawsuits against McDonald's, reports Jon Swaine. She's proposing legislation to create a whistleblower hotline to fight these practices.

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Daily Digest - March 18: Society Doesn't Work on a Volunteer Basis

Mar 18, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

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The Voluntarism Fantasy (Democracy Journal)

Roosevelt Institute Fellow Mike Konczal looks to the history of public and private social insurance in the U.S. to explain why the conservative belief that private charity could take the place of government is deeply misguided.

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The Voluntarism Fantasy (Democracy Journal)

Roosevelt Institute Fellow Mike Konczal looks to the history of public and private social insurance in the U.S. to explain why the conservative belief that private charity could take the place of government is deeply misguided.

In City's Job Growth, Faces of the Working Poor (WNYC)

New York City now has 237,000 more jobs than it did before the recession, reports Mirela Iverac, but too many of those jobs aren't paying enough to live on.

Hunger Crisis: Charities are Strained as Nearly 1 in 5 New Yorkers Depend on Aid for Food (NY Daily News)

Over five years, the number of people relying on food aid has increased by 200,000, and Barry Paddock and Ginger Adams Otis report that charities have seen even more need since November's food stamp cuts.

Low-Wage Workers Are Finding Poverty Harder to Escape (NYT)

Steven Greenhouse reports on the lives of the working poor in Chattanooga, Tennessee, where workers with many years of experience can still make only $9 per hour.

Inside Low-Wage Workers’ Plan to Sue McDonald’s — and Win (MSNBC)

Timothy Noah explains that these workers are targeting the franchise system, arguing that McDonald's as a corporation created the conditions that led to wage theft, not just the franchise owners.

New on Next New Deal

Florida Election Shows Danger and Promise in Obamacare Debate

Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Richard Kirsch says polling from the recent special election for Florida's 13th congressional district shows that standing up to "keep and fix" Obamacare is a path for Democratic success.

The Progressive Budget Reminds Us That Government Can Create Jobs

The Congressional Progressive Caucus's budget is a reminder that an aggressive approach is still needed to push job growth, writes Nell Abernathy, Program Manager for the Bernard L. Schwartz Rediscovering Government Initiative.

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