The Hidden Costs and Blatant Danger of Keystone XL

Sep 29, 2011David Weinberger

oil-rig-150TransCanada's tar sands oil pipeline poses a threat not just to the health and reliability of local ecosystems, but to investment and productivity in rural America.

oil-rig-150TransCanada's tar sands oil pipeline poses a threat not just to the health and reliability of local ecosystems, but to investment and productivity in rural America.

On September 12, hundreds of low-income residents in Nairobi spotted a leak in the pipeline that runs adjacent to their slum. Hoping that they might be able to cash in, many began to pack close to the pipeline to collect the spewing gasoline. A stray spark ignited the fuel and generated an inferno strong enough to kill over 75 people and injure many more. Homes were destroyed, families were torn apart, and livelihoods were decimated. This tragedy is an illustration of the risks associated with long-distance fossil fuel transport.

Of course, this is an extreme example. Regulatory oversight and accountability are not exactly the same in developing countries in Kenya as they are in the United States. Still, there is a high degree of risk and exploitation in fuel transport programs here at home. Earlier this year, for instance, a pipeline owned by Exxon Mobil sprung a leak, sending 42,000 gallons of crude oil directly into the Yellowstone River. (Incidentally, Exxon is reporting that it will resume operations along the Yellowstone.)

If scenarios like these seem isolated or unimaginable in your backyard, think again. TransCanada’s Keystone XL project is a risky $13 billion capital investment program that will connect crude, tar sands-derived oil from Canada to the American energy market. By bringing oil from tar sands in Alberta to refineries in Texas and Oklahoma, the pipeline poses a direct threat to the many ecosystems and communities that it will traverse.

There is no doubt that the oil sands extraction, delivery, and processing mechanisms are extraordinarily injurious to the environment and to public health. High-profile protests have sprung up across the U.S. and Canada to fight the project’s execution, which environmentalists like Bill McKibben claim would pose a threat to potable water supply, Canadian boreal forests, and global climate.

TransCanada, which has recorded liabilities of approximately $84 million for remediation obligations and compliance costs associated with environmental regulations, estimates that its pipeline could reasonably leak 11 times within its first 50 years in existence. Others argue that this number is very conservative, especially given the existing infrastructure’s track record, and that a more honest estimate would be to say that the new stretch could leak more than 50 barrels close to 91 times within 50 years. But as TransCanada rightly admits on its website, “it is not possible for the Company to estimate the amount and timing of all future expenditures related to environmental matters.” With such immeasurable environmental and economic externalities to consider, risk assessment is more of a defensive posture than a display of corporate ethics.

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Risk to an ecosystem is not a factor for which advance remedial funds are sufficient. Instead, given that the economy of a locality is so deeply rooted in its ecology, environmental risk should be integrated with economic risk in upfront cost-benefit analysis. A program’s potential effect on ecosystem services, such as potable water supply, waste detoxification, crop pollination, disease control, game and seafood supply, and carbon sequestration and climate regulation should be internalized in calculating its lifetime cost.

After the oil spill in the Yellowstone, ranchers in the region reported a loss in biodiversity, a decrease in productivity, significant damage to their land, and contamination of their water supplies that will no doubt affect output. These long-term effects on land, a crucial factor of production for local farmers, must be considered when planning for risk.

Indeed, the EPA expects that several hundreds of acres of wetlands will be affected by the new stretch of pipeline, which will carry 830,000 barrels of oil from tar sands each day. A leak would also threaten water quality in the Missouri River, which provides for more than half of all Missourians’ drinking water, as well as services related to “recreation, power generation, water supply, river commerce, and fish and wildlife.”

Water quality is in fact key to a number of ecosystem services, and with potable water supplies at heightened risk with the new project, local economies in these areas could suffer exorbitantly in the event of a leak. Moreover, a leak that affects water supply in otherwise productive rural regions of the country could prove disastrous to the entire country’s economy, which depends in part on agricultural markets.

Beyond the environmental risks, theres is investor uncertainty. Development in the states that will be cut by the pipeline is already scarce. Montana, South Dakota, and Nebraska contain extreme pockets of rural poverty, the conditions of which will likely be worsened with the introduction of a volatile fuel pipeline. According to the EPA, Keystone XL will put low-income, tribal, and minority communities at particular risk. With the threat of a spill looming over these areas, one can be sure that any business will need a hefty incentive to build or grow there.

Still, these externalities have only begun to be internalized. Much of the cost to communities along the pipeline will be paid in uncertainty, not only for the ecosystems at risk, but for the prospect of development surrounding the pipelines. If TransCanada and the Canadian and U.S. governments viewed environmental costs as part of a larger picture--one that accounts for the relationship between ecosystem services’ reliability and private sector confidence in the surrounding region--there is no doubt that the company would have had a great deal more trouble proving that Keystone XL would be in the economic interest of the United States.

David Weinberger is the Senior Fellow for Energy and Environment at the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network and a senior at Hunter College of the City University of New York.

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There Went the Sun: Renewable Energy Needs Patient Capital

Sep 23, 2011William LazonickMatt Hopkins

electric-tower-150Solyndra's bankruptcy is a lesson in the need for more than political points and investors out to turn a profit.

electric-tower-150Solyndra's bankruptcy is a lesson in the need for more than political points and investors out to turn a profit.

Solyndra, a venture-backed solar panel maker founded in 2005, was the poster child of the Obama administration's American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA). It was the first company to receive federal loan guarantees under the already existing Energy Policy Act of 2005. A hefty $535 million in government-backed loans was going to provide 73 percent of the funds to build Solyndra's second manufacturing plant in Fremont, California, with the rest of the financing coming from private equity. It was said that 3,000 workers would find employment in the plant's construction and 1,000 workers in its ongoing operation.

The factory was built, but, overburdened with capacity, Solyndra went bankrupt in August 2011. The company's 2010 sales of 65 megawatts of power were not even 60 percent of the capacity of its first factory, making the 500-megawatt capacity of the second factory totally redundant. As Yuliya Chernova has written in the Wall Street Journal, some investors with knowledge of Solyndra's operations see the government-backed loan as the source of the company's downfall.

There is little doubt that Obama's team could not resist the opportunity to score political points through a deal that promised to stimulate the economy while investing in our renewables future. As President Obama put it when he visited Solyndra in May 2010, "Before the Recovery Act, we could build just 5 percent of the world's solar panels. In the next few years, we're going to double our share to more than 10 percent. Here at this site, Solyndra expects to make enough solar panels each year to generate 500 megawatts of electricity."

But Solyndra was not the only U.S. solar company to go bankrupt last August. Seventeen-year-old Evergreen Solar Inc., a Massachusetts-based company that had received $58 million in state subsidies, closed its factory last March, and then in August entered Chapter 11 with almost $500 million in debt. Also in August -- in between the bankruptcies of Evergreen and Solyndra -- another solar manufacturer, SpectraWatt, called it quits. These three failures resulted in the loss of 2,000 U.S. jobs. As it was, Evergreen had already moved some of its manufacturing to China in an effort to remain competitive.

The global market for solar power was over $71 billion in 2010, double what it was in 2009. Yet there is no question that the future is bleak for solar manufacturing in the United States. According to the Poughkeepsie Journal, in late August SpectraWatt asked the bankruptcy court to permit it to auction off its plant and equipment quickly because "within six months, used solar cell manufacturing equipment and related assets could flood the market and lower its auction bids."

The manufacture of solar panels is a capital-intensive business that requires huge plant-level economies of scale for competitive success. The Chinese have become the leading producers of solar panels for both their home and global markets. Allegations of corruption aside, is it possible for a high-wage economy such as the United States to compete as a global manufacturer in the solar industry?

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In the case of Solyndra, besides its government-backed loans the company raised over $1 billion in venture capital from 11 major sources. Beyond government subsidies, it is these financiers upon whom we rely for the committed finance required to sustain the operations of a solar manufacturing plant until it can achieve sufficient scale to be profitable. If a venture like Solyndra had not promised eventual success, why would this "smart" business money have flowed so abundantly into it?

The answer is the stock market. The holders of private equity were betting that they could recoup their investments and make a handsome profit for themselves when Solyndra did its initial public offering (IPO) on NASDAQ, even if at that point Solyndra itself might be a long way from attaining profitability. In 2005, when Solyndra was founded, the IPO market was heating up after a sharp slump with the Internet bust at the beginning of the decade, and 2007 was the strongest year for IPOs since 2000. Then the financial meltdown of 2008 killed the IPO market. In December 2009, with the economy in recovery and with its $535 in government-guaranteed loans in hand, Solyndra registered its IPO.

At the time, however, the company had accumulated $558 million in losses since its founding, and in a filing to the Securities and Exchange Commission in April 2010 Solyndra's accountant, PriceWaterhouseCoopers, wrote that its financial condition raised "substantial doubt about its ability to a continue as a going concern." That nixed the possibility of an IPO. Now, with Solyndra in bankruptcy, the investors have lost their money and U.S. taxpayers are on the hook as the company's largest creditor.

For solar manufacturing in the United States to be profitable, it will need committed finance that the U.S. venture capital community -- still by far the world's richest -- is unwilling to provide. They have learned that solar companies require more capital and a longer incubation period than they are willing to endure. If we want advanced solar research to go forward in the United States, we need to engage in advanced manufacturing here as well. In renewable energy, as in other high-tech fields, government and business both need to be involved in providing the "patient" capital required to develop and utilize productive resources. At present, however, notwithstanding its massive wealth, the United States lacks the financial institutions that can cope with the 21st century world of high-technology and global competition.

Matt Hopkins is a research fellow at the UMass Center for Industrial Competitiveness, focusing on issues of clean technology and economic development. He has written a soon-to-be-released report on the U.S. wind turbine industry.

William Lazonick is director of the UMass Center for Industrial Competitiveness and president of The Academic-Industry Research Network. His book, Sustainable Prosperity in the New Economy? Business Organization and High-Tech Employment in the United States was awarded the 2010 Schumpeter Prize.

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Funding Cities’ Efforts to Beat Back the Tide of Climate Change

Sep 16, 2011David Weinberger

earth-150While some have started preparing for rising sea levels, it will take a global effort to pay for adaptation.

earth-150While some have started preparing for rising sea levels, it will take a global effort to pay for adaptation.

City policymakers constitute the frontline in cities' battles to secure funding from their parent states. But as the world experiences the largest urbanization trend in human history -- the UN projects that by 2050, 70 percent of the global population will live in cities -- issues of public health, energy independence, food production, security, and poverty alleviation will increasingly have to be dealt with at the city level. This growing burden on city policymakers is only exacerbated by the urgency of the effects of global climate change. Cities will also be on the frontlines of dealing with climate change, an expensive undertaking that will require resources beyond local budgets. The global community will need to chip in to their battles against rising tides.

Commercial city centers have historically been located along bodies of water. Trade, transport, food systems, and public health are all sustained by a city's water supply and access to ports. There is no doubt that rising sea levels will have a disproportionate impact on these cities, virtually all of which lack adequate infrastructure to account for the kind of catastrophic flooding that the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) projects (assuming minimal policy intermediation).

In that event, potable water reserves could potentially be flooded and contaminated, essentially cutting off the city's supply of safe drinking water. Moreover, sea level rise in a city that employs a combined sewer overflow model will be all the more catastrophic to water quality. Surrounding bodies of water will be instantly and severely contaminated, as wastewater treatment plants fail to keep their "heads above water," so to speak.

These familiar doomsday scenarios, while terrifying, can be prevented. "Climate change adaptation" is a phrase thrown around a great deal in development and smart growth circles. According to the IPCC, adaptation amounts to an "adjustment in natural or human systems in response to actual or expected climatic stimuli or their effects, which moderates harm or exploits beneficial opportunities"Cities around the world are working to adapt to the coming rise, acting quickly to secure their low-lying coastal settlements, protect their drinking water from the threat of encroaching saltwater, and rework their wastewater management systems to allow greater and speedier treatment capacity. From New York City to Ho Chi Minh City, from Miami to Durban, cities recognize the urgency and immediacy of the threat that rising sea levels pose and are in a mad rush to secure funds to prepare.

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Still, as the cities of the world start to hit the ground running, their parent states struggle to reach consensus in climate talks. Recent UN Climate Change Conventions in Copenhagen and Cancun have given way to very little added momentum among member states, even as the stakes continue to grow. With the U.S. far from reaching domestic consensus on whether to formally commit to combating and adapting to climate change, prospects for these talks remain grim.

But there is hope. In June of next year, nations of the world will gather in Rio de Janeiro as a part of the so-called "Rio+20"   UN Conference on Sustainable Development (UNCSD). Included among the agreed-upon themes of the convention is a commitment to building an "institutional framework for sustainable development" on a global scale.

For any UNCSD institutional framework to successfully engage in climate change adaptation at a global scale, it must employ the financial and diplomatic resources of the UN to support and share the progress already being made by cities. The existing UN Adaptation Fund is targeted specifically at developing countries that are parties to the Kyoto Protocol. The Adaptation Fund employs a traditional grantor-grantee flow of funds, without regard to the utility of best practice sharing and open dialogue between city policymakers and planners, who will shoulder most of the burden of the adaptation crisis.

At the same time, the diplomatic architecture of the UNCSD, with its hefty funding contributions and wide array of state representation, positions it very well to establish mechanisms to support urban climate change adaptation programs around the world.

A centralized host of "urban diplomacy," this adaptation facility would inject funds into mentor city partnerships, coordinate city-to-city direct aid, and help to attract private foreign direct investment in adaptation programs. By sparking and maintaining an ongoing dialogue between cities and facilitating investment in adaptation projects, the UNCSD can have a profound impact on the number of cities in both the developing and developed world that are well prepared for the effects of climate change.

Adapting to the coming tide is a herculean feat, and cities will require access to the full resources of their parent states in executing these projects. One can only hope that states will put their money where their people are.

David Weinberger is the Senior Fellow for Energy and Environment at the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network and a senior at Hunter College of the City University of New York.

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China "Cheats" -- and So Should We

Sep 13, 2011Jon Rynn

CB013130If the U.S. wants to tackle climate change and stay competitive in the global economy, it needs to stop playing by the old rules and start making new ones.

CB013130If the U.S. wants to tackle climate change and stay competitive in the global economy, it needs to stop playing by the old rules and start making new ones.

The looming global warming catastrophe could be worse, in the long term, than any war, social collapse, or single famine in human history. We need to scale up renewable technologies as quickly as possible -- by any means necessary. And that is exactly what the Chinese are doing. According to Steven Lacey at Climate Progress, while world solar cell manufacturing capacity was only 100 MW in 2000, it is now 50,000 MW –- and China by itself accounts for 57 percent. But this puts Americans, including Lacey and other environmentalists, in a peculiar position. On the one hand, we desperately want more solar and other renewable technologies. But on the other hand, by scaling up so fast, the Chinese might wipe out the American solar panel industry. Instead of trying to stop the Chinese from doing what they are doing, the U.S. needs to learn from them.

The environmental community has tended to contradict itself when it comes to rolling out renewable technologies. On the one hand, leaders such as Al Gore and my personal favorite global visionary, Lester Brown, call for a World War II-style mobilization to quickly convert our civilization so that we can avert ecological calamity. But the means advocated, such as putting a price on carbon, are not up to the task. We can't afford to wait to see if the market will do what is necessary.

The Chinese are not putting a price on carbon. In fact, they won't even negotiate a target for how much carbon they will output by 2020 or any other date. But they are doing something much more important: They are showing the world how you scale up a technology with a World War II type of effort. Some call it “cheating,” but if this is cheating, let's have much more. What are the Chinese doing right?

First, China has a five-year plan. In the U.S., corporations have five-year plans, and so does the Department of Defense. But imagine a president giving a State of the Union address announcing such a plan. There would be cries of “socialism!” I say, socialism, shmocialism, whatever works. The longer the time range, the better. Congress is now debating a multi-year transportation bill; the same should be done for the entire energy sector.

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Second, many Chinese “banks," if you want to call them that, make money virtually free, and often don't even get their “loans” back. The government gives companies land –- which, by the way, Lincoln and the Republicans gave to railroads when obstructionist Southern Democrats were out of the way during the Civil War. Where would the U.S. be today if the railroad industry hadn't received a huge boost at the dawn of the industrial era, or if the Internet hadn't received a similar boost 100 years later?

Third, the Chinese import foreign technology and require foreign companies that set up factories in China to train Chinese engineers. Ever since the British tried to prohibit their engineers from traveling at the beginning of the Industrial Revolution so that Britain could maintain its dominance, other countries have been trying obtain -- or, as the originating country calls it, steal -- new technology. In a way this, is all part of a 1,000-year cycle, as the West gained many important technologies like the compass, printing, and gunpowder from the Chinese, who are now borrowing technology back.

Fourth, the Chinese are producing hundreds of thousands of engineers for their expanding manufacturing economy. Forty percent of the engineers in the U.S. are involved with manufacturing, according to a New York Times piece by Louis Uchitelle. Uchitelle reports that the Chinese manufacturing sector has either just grown larger than the American one or will shortly do so. As manufacturing declines here, it becomes much less attractive to have a career as an engineer. In China, on the other hand, being an engineer is a clear way to make it into the good life.

The point is not to idolize China. Far from it -- China is in a race to see whether it can switch to clean technologies before its dirty ones overwhelm its ecosystem and cause its economy to collapse, and its currency is much too low. But nations have always learned from other nations. Sometimes, the “teachers” cry “unfair!” when the “students” don't play by the rules. One hundred years ago, the British complained that the Americans were always copying their inventions.

But innovation is not simply a matter of technology; it is also a matter of policy. If something works, use it, even if it offends conventional wisdom. In fact, particularly if it offends conventional wisdom. That's what happened during the New Deal era of the 1930s, when the old policies were clearly failing and new ones had to be put in place (for instance, instead of tinkering with market rules in order to develop the Tennessee Valley, the TVA rebuilt the whole area). With global warming and other environmental problems, such as the end of cheap oil, threatening civilization, we need policy innovations even more than we need technological ones.

Jon Rynn is the author of the book Manufacturing Green Prosperity: The power to rebuild the American middle class, available from Praeger Press. He holds a Ph.D. in political science and is a Visiting Scholar at the CUNY Institute for Urban Systems.

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How September 11 Called the Millennial Generation Into Action

Sep 9, 2011Reese Neader

The youngest generation is already working hard to transform the country in honor of those who lost their lives.

On September 11, 2001, I stood up and walked out of class. I was studying international relations at Heidelberg College in Tiffin, Ohio and my class had been invited by our professor to discuss what just took place. What had happened and why? But more importantly, what did September 11 represent?

The youngest generation is already working hard to transform the country in honor of those who lost their lives.

On September 11, 2001, I stood up and walked out of class. I was studying international relations at Heidelberg College in Tiffin, Ohio and my class had been invited by our professor to discuss what just took place. What had happened and why? But more importantly, what did September 11 represent?

September 11 did not change our lives in the way the terrorists wanted. We are still the strongest country in the world and we are still the leaders of a global system that represents the American experiment in higher ideals of democracy, liberty, and shared prosperity.

Instead of destroying our country, September 11 roused a generation. The children who witnessed the fall of the towers have grown up through the Longest War, the Iraq War, two contested national elections, the housing crisis, the battle over climate change, a credit and student debt explosion, Hurricane Katrina, the worst environmental disaster in U.S. history, and the Great Recession.

Our country is witnessing the long, slow breakdown of our systems. We are faced with an era marked by crises in energy, the economy, and national defense. As the world continues to look to America for global leadership, we find ourselves facing a crisis in leadership. Our government is paralyzed, our financial sector is rotten with corruption, and our corporate economy is choking under its own weight. Overseas, our soldiers continue to bravely fight the Longest War but are fighting with one hand tied behind their backs, facing 21st century enemies with 20th century weapons and rules.

But this is not the first time that America has faced down an existential challenge. We fought for our independence against the British Empire. We rooted out the disease of slavery. We built our way back from the Great Depression and defeated the Nazis. Our parents and grandparents marched together for Civil Rights. We have traveled to the moon and we ended the Cold War. Every one of these events was born from a generational struggle. On September 11, 2001, as Millennials saw our way of life being attacked, we dedicated ourselves to achieving the promise of America and building a country where everyone can speak with freedom, worship with freedom, achieve prosperity, and live in peace and security. Our generation will also meet the challenges of our time and we will do it by following in the our country's tradition of exploration and innovation. America has changed the world with its inventions and ideas, and we're not done yet.

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The Millennial Generation is rising to meet the challenges of our time.

We are designing the next generation of energy infrastructure in labs and offices across the country, developing cleaner fuels, smarter technologies, and new forms of transportation that will create jobs for millions of Americans and propel our country into a new era of prosperity.

In cities across the country, Millennials are designing job creation policies and financial services that invest in American workers and replenish local economies. Social entrepreneurs, green businesses, and technology specialists are building a new economy that will generate wealth for Wall Street and Main Street, while making it a priority that our profits are generated from social enterprise, energy savings, and conserving the environment, creating millions of American jobs for American workers in the process.

And always vigilant, our military is responding to national security threats by designing new fighting systems and making smart investments in renewable energy research and development.

America began a new chapter on September 11, 2001. Rest assured that our generation is fighting for our future by actively rebuilding our country from the inside out. We are changing the way we live, the ways that we make money, and the way we value money. The lack of security engendered by 9/11 has provided our generation with a strong resolve to overcome challenges.

In our time we will, as a country and as a world, hang together or hang separately. America needs leadership imbued with values and a long-term vision for the progress of our country. The Millennial Generation is busy at work while waiting for its turn to take control of the country. We will succeed in our mission to rebuild the United States and ignite a new era of national prosperity, and we will do it inspired by the men and women who lost their lives on September 11, 2001. In the words of President Obama, in his inaugural speech in 2009, "We say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you."

Reese Neader is the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network’s Policy Director.

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A Fracking Mess: Natural Gas is Not the Fuel of the Future

Jul 5, 2011Jon Rynn

earth-150Between questionable science, health hazards, and exorbitant costs, there's no fracking way that drilling for natural gas will solve our long-term energy issues.

earth-150Between questionable science, health hazards, and exorbitant costs, there's no fracking way that drilling for natural gas will solve our long-term energy issues.

Natural gas is being touted as a fuel of the future, a way to bridge the gap between a dirty energy and clean energy economy. But according to numerous articles and a report from David Hughes at the Post-Carbon Institute, what we may have is another bridge to nowhere (page numbers in this post refer to Hughes' study). Fracking, the rapidly expanding technique for pulling natural gas out of the ground, may be worse for global warming than coal, ultimately very expensive, and not productive enough to make much of a difference in natural gas supply anyway.

Fracking, or hydraulic fracturing, is a 60-year old technique that has recently been applied to the huge deposits of what is called shale, a form of rock that can contain large amounts of natural gas or oil. Now natural gas companies are drilling thousands of these wells, fracturing the shale, and pumping millions of gallons of water laced with hundreds of chemicals to release the natural gas (pages 22-24).

While burning natural gas emits about half the greenhouse gases of coal, transporting, processing, and delivering that gas significantly reduces its advantages. And methane -- natural gas -- is a much stronger greenhouse gas than carbon dioxide for about 20 years. According to a recent study and other research, shale gas actually leads to more greenhouse gas emissions than conventional drilling.

The main problem seems to be that the drilling companies and trucking companies do a sloppy job and let gas escape into the atmosphere – and into drinking water.  This was best exemplified in the movie GasLand, which showed that people near drilling sites could light their tap water on fire.

An enormous controversy has erupted around this technique, with some making accusations of potentially catastrophic environmental impacts, while others call fracking a ”game changer." A new study shows that drinking water near fracking sites contains large amounts of natural gas, while proponents claim that none of the toxic chemicals that make up the fracking mixture have contaminated water supplies.  New York State has temporarily banned the procedure, although Governor Cuomo has indicated he will lift the ban for most of the state. New Jersey (and France) will probably ban it. The EPA is still studying the issue, but Dick Cheney and company made sure that fracking is not covered by the Safe Drinking Water Act, and states have less expertise, money and motivation to monitor the situation.

The Federal Energy Information Administration (EIA) gets more and more bullish about the prospects for shale gas, recently claiming that 45% of natural gas in this country will come from shale gas by 2034.  Currently, the number is only 25% (pages 28-30). But according to the New York Times, this opinion is contested from within the agency itself. There are signs that the EIA is following the lead of the natural gas industry, not doing independent research. Meanwhile, the current price for natural gas, about 4 dollars per thousand cubic feet (mcf), is below the level needed to make shale gas profitable for most drilling – costs estimates range from a bit over 4 dollars to an average of 7 dollars and even 11 dollars per mcf (page 31). And many fracking firms are now moving to drill for oil, not gas, because the price for gas is too low to justify the added expense.

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Some fracking advocates claim that we could switch our transportation system to be natural gas based. But to do that would require a doubling of our natural gas production (pages 52-54). Despite all the hype, even the EIA seems to think that natural gas production in this country will only increase from about 24 trillion cubic feet to about 26 trillion by 2034 (page 29). That isn't enough to even keep up with the anticipated demand, and basically shale gas production will make up for declining conventional gas production, assuming there is as much shale gas as advertised. As David Hughes explains, the EIA is grossly underestimating the amount of wells that would have to be drilled. Recently that number has climbed as high as 30,000 per year(page 19). If half of those use fracking techniques, and a good percentage of those use millions of gallons of water that become toxic – well, it certainly doesn't sound like a very sustainable solution.

Even if we wanted to make the switch, getting gas from there to here poses its own challenges.  The only way to do it is with liquified natural gas (LNG); that is, cooling it way down to liquid form, putting it on a big ship that keeps it cool, and warming it back up when it gets here. It has been estimated that LNG adds enough greenhouse gas emissions that the natural gas has about the same emissions as coal. It is also more expensive than domestic gas, and it also means the US would become dependent on nations like Qatar, Russia, and -- hmmm, Iran -- than we might want to be.

Another strike against natural gas: wind is getting very cost competitive. Wind could form the backbone of a national electrical system, with gas used for those times when there isn't enough wind blowing – although the more wind built in the more places, the less gas would be needed for this purpose. A new report suggests that solar panels on buildings could be used to substitute for gas used at peak usage times, say when air conditioners are going full blast, at pretty close to the same price.

There is one interesting technology that could make natural gas more sustainable: microturbines. These are systems that are installed in a large building -- say, an apartment building that has 60 or more apartments, according to the New York Times. These can use any source of natural gas, such as natural gas generated from a building's own waste, or from landfills. And because the turbine is in the building, the heat from the turbine can be used to heat air and water, in a process called co-generation. Up to about 80% of the energy from natural gas can be captured by these units, as opposed to the miserable 32% or so when centralized gas or coal plants generate electricity. Many European countries, such as Denmark, use district heating, a method of using the heat from energy production to warm neighborhoods. This is a reason that density in cities and towns can be more efficient than sprawl.

Even if natural gas emitted “only” half the greenhouse gases of coal, or if fracking turns out to be not as toxic as feared, and relatively profitable, natural gas would still not be a “game changer”: we need to take greenhouse gases out of the atmosphere, not put any more in; we shouldn't be endangering our water supplies. and we can find renewable sources of energy that, in the long run, make much more economic sense. Not only will natural gas not be the fuel of the future, we won't be using much fuel. Instead we will use renewable sources of energy from the sun, wind, and the earth.

Jon Rynn is the author of the book Manufacturing Green Prosperity: The power to rebuild the American middle class, available from Praeger Press. He holds a Ph.D. in political science and is a Visiting Scholar at the CUNY Institute for Urban Systems.

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What Conservatives Don't Want You to Know About Government's Role in the Economy

Jun 28, 2011Jon Rynn

fdr-we-need-you-200If we don't learn the lessons from the Great Depression, our infrastructure will crumble, the recovery will stagnate, and our economy will be left behind.

fdr-we-need-you-200If we don't learn the lessons from the Great Depression, our infrastructure will crumble, the recovery will stagnate, and our economy will be left behind.

The current conventional wisdom for many in the U.S. is that the less government is involved with the economy the better. But this is precisely the moment in history when more government is needed. Without government intervention, the recovery will continue to stagnate, the economy as a whole will remain off balance, and we won't be able to meet the challenges facing the country.

I have been proposing a different way of looking at an economy than the traditional, neoclassic one. In my view, each industry fits into a wider system, as say trees or deer or bears fit into a wider forest ecosystem. In the same way, goods manufacturing, machinery industries, service industries, infrastructure, and the myriad other parts of a functioning society -- including the health and education systems -- have to work properly in order for the economy as a whole to function, with manufacturing functioning as the central sector. All industries are co-evolving, dynamically growing, concentrated within discrete geographical regions. And it is the responsibility of government to help orchestrate this interaction, or else it can turn into an ugly riot.

But at the root of the neoclassical world view is the idea that the economic system is self-regulating, that is, if the economy is pushed off course by "external" forces, then it will become stable by itself -- without government interference. And yet we know that economies are constantly growing and changing -- that is, they are not stable -- and they are often under threat of recession and depression. That is why governments always have to be part of the solution. They are needed in order to support economic growth, maintain the right structure of the economy, and intervene when the economy goes bad.

FDR's presidency is the perfect example of this. When he became president, Herbert Hoover had just spent several years trying to reverse the Great Depression with market-based solutions, but FDR championed a set of governmental policies that turned the country around. To deal with unemployment, FDR established the Works Progress Administration, or WPA, which was not only designed to employ one fully able member of each household in which no one could find work, but also to build up the country's physical infrastructure. Building infrastructure is what governments do best. In fact, one could say that civilization started when the first governments constructed the irrigation and drainage systems that enabled agriculture to flourish. The United States, like every successful country, has a long and rich history of infrastructure building, without which the country would have very likely stayed poor. From canals like the Erie Canal before the Civil War, to the railroads after, from the dams that even conservative Republicans like Calvin Coolidge initiated, to the WPA that built libraries, schools, airports, roads, and other structures in virtually every town, to the Interstate Highway System championed by a Republican president, the United States has kept itself at the forefront of the global economy by making the building of transportation, energy, communications, water, education, and other systems the foundation of prosperity.

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Partly as a result of his interventions into the economy, FDR was able to lead the nation into World War II by fundamentally transforming the economy to produce military equipment. At its height, one third of the country's GDP was devoted to the war effort, with millions fighting overseas. That's five trillion dollars in today's economy. In other words, even assuming the continuation of a one trillion dollar military budget in the face of no wars of necessity, the economy has four trillion dollars left over to remake itself while providing for a comfortable standard of living for its inhabitants.

Instead of learning this lesson of history, however, our current political class seems determined to follow Herbert Hoover, not FDR. Meanwhile, the long-term domestic problems we face are worse than what FDR confronted. In the 1930s, the US was by far the leading manufacturing power and the top producer of oil; now the manufacturing sector is sinking fast, and not only do we import almost two-thirds of the crude oil we process, the global supply of oil is becoming harder to produce and is shrinking. In addition, we desperately need to eliminate the use of fossil fuels and transform agriculture and forest management in order to avoid the worst of global warming. The path forward is clear: we need an electric transportation system based on high-speed rail for long-distance travel, electric rail for freight, transit and small electric cars for intra-city movement, wind and solar power for electricity generation, recycling on a serious and massive scale, a densification of urban areas, and a more labor-intensive, localized, organic agricultural system. And these could provide the market for a revived manufacturing sector.

Only the government can build all of these systems in the time needed to both save the economy and save the environment. Incentives can go part of the way, but not fast or far enough. Taxing carbon or trading rights to carbon won't solve global warming or decrease the use of oil as quickly as we need them to; lowering taxes or reducing the deficit won't bring the manufacturing sector back. Government-as-builder does not mean government-as-warrior or government-as-Big-Brother. It is possible to have a strong government that is peaceful, democratic, and not beholden to our economic royalists, as we currently are. But maintaining democracy is never easy; the political system is no more a self-regulating system than is the economy. At least we can have a clear vision of where we are heading.

History doesn't care if the political conversation of the United States won't allow for talk about large-scale government intervention into the economy. The path to economic and ecological collapse is paved with "realistic" intentions. If the conservatives can be audacious enough to threaten policies that will further destroy the middle class and poor for the sake of the superwealthy, why can't progressives draw on a rich American history, from before FDR and after, to rebuild a once mighty nation and help the rest of the planet move toward a sustainable future?

Jon Rynn is the author of the book Manufacturing Green Prosperity: The power to rebuild the American middle class, available from Praeger Press. He holds a Ph.D. in political science and is a Visiting Scholar at the CUNY Institute for Urban Systems.

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Debating All Energy Sources in Search of a Sustainable Solution

Jun 13, 2011Jon Rynn

electric-tower-150No one has the perfect vision for our energy future -- so all answers should be given serious thought.

electric-tower-150No one has the perfect vision for our energy future -- so all answers should be given serious thought.

Robert Bryce is very good at advancing sophisticated arguments that try to show that what many people believe is not so. In a recent op-ed in the New York Times, he gives a worthwhile critique of renewable energy -- after all, every technology should be analyzed for its strengths and weaknesses. The larger question, which his piece does well to illuminate, is this: in an imperfect world, what constitutes an economically and ecologically sustainable national energy system? How do we create one that is as low-cost as possible in the long run, one that is not based on a resource that will run out, and one that will emit as little carbon and pollution as possible? The problem is that his favored alternatives, natural gas and nuclear power, have serious flaws that need to be addressed. In the end, a mixture of solutions will be necessary for creating a sustainable energy future.

In pursuit of an answer to these questions, Bryce invokes the legacy of a founding philosopher of the environmental movement, E.F. Schumacher, author of a set of ideas that are encapsulated in the title of his classic book “Small is Beautiful." Schumacher virtually invented the concept of "appropriate technology," that is, technologies designed to fit in with the social capacities of a particular society and that are ecologically sustainable. These technologies should, above all else, not destroy the “natural capital,” i.e. the environmental resources, that underlies all societies and life. That is why Schumacher advocated for the use of renewable energy as an alternative to fossil fuels and other resources that destroy the environment and then destroy an economy when they run out.

Which is why it is so peculiar that Bryce, at the end of his op-ed, both praises Schumacher and implies that natural gas and nuclear power are superior to renewable energy. Recently a Guardian columnist unearthed Schumacher’s opinion of nuclear power:

There could be no clearer example of the prevailing dictatorship of economics… That nuclear fission represents an incredible, incomparable, and unique hazard for human life does not enter any calculation and is never mentioned… [To submit to the nuclear lobby] is a transgression against life itself, a transgression infinitely more serious than any crime ever perpetrated by man. The idea that a civilization could sustain itself on the basis of such a transgression is an ethical, spiritual, and metaphysical monstrosity.

After Fukushima, this quote seems particularly clairvoyant. Sustainability doesn’t simply mean minimizing emissions that cause global warming, it means minimizing long-term damage to the environment, of which global warming is but one possible cause. An irradiated planet would be just as deadly, if not more so, than global warming.

Natural gas does not fit Schumacher’s definition of appropriate technology either, since Schumacher believed that “the world cannot rely on diminishing supplies of non-renewables.” Natural gas is not renewable. Schumacher did not live to see the destructive toll that natural gas is wreaking on the water supplies of the United States as a result of "fracking." Fracking entails the fracturing of rock in order to free up vast underground sources of natural gas, which unfortunately requires poisoning huge amounts of water. Fresh water, despite its generally low price, is about the most precious resource on Earth. The regions that are being subjected to fracking risk being turned into wastelands, and risk becoming uninhabitable -- sort of like nuclear power.

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So nuclear and natural gas power don’t fit the bill for a sustainable energy system because they will run out of fuel, their cost will rise, they emit carbon (yes, even nuclear power), and they are very damaging to the environment.

Bryce also points out that wind and solar power are flawed. While they are not perfect resources, for some of these problems I would argue that he protests too much. For instance, he calculates in his article that 50 tons of steel is required per megawatt for wind, while for natural gas, only one quarter of a ton of steel is required. He starts off his article by pointing out that California just passed a law that 17,000 megawatts of electricity will have to be generated with renewable power. Even if all of that power came from wind, that would mean 850,000 tons of steel would be necessary to build the needed wind turbines. Yet the US alone, which produces only about 8% of the world’s steel, annually rolls out about 93 million tons. So to create the steel needed for producing one third of California’s electricity with wind turbines would require only one percent of one year of our steel output.

And almost all steel can be recycled -- more than 50% of the steel produced annually in the U.S. comes from scrap steel. Scrap steel is in high demand because the mini-mills that have become so popular in the last few decades process scrap -- that is, they recycle steel. Mini-mills use electricity to melt down the scrap, which could come from wind. Steel, therefore, could be part of an “appropriate,” indefinitely sustainable production system.

However, steel mills and electric networks with huge wind turbines do not bring the word “small” to mind, and Bryce correctly points out that wind farms require a lot of land. But the vast majority of that land, generally farm land, can continue to be used for it primary purpose.

Concentrated solar power (CSP), on the other hand, does use up the land it is situated on, including the desert, which is a thriving ecosystem. Because of this I am much more ambivalent about CSP, although Joe Romm thinks CSP is a critical part of a clean energy solution. Installing solar panels on buildings would better fulfill the “small is beautiful” requirement than big wind or solar farms. Buildings are “autonomous units,” to use Schumacher’s phrase, which means that economic power is distributed. That is, citizens have greater control over their economic environment when they control the means of energy production. The problem is, solar panels require multibillion dollar, big factories to create the purified silicon needed for their production. On the other hand, wind power networks can provide the electricity needed for those factories (which can indeed provide reliable and continuous electricity), and the source of silicon is sand, or quartz. So again, we have the potential for a sustainable energy system.

We are left, it seems to me, with alternatives that no one can consider pure. Schumacher might have hesitated to advocate for big renewable projects and factories; environmentalists might not want transmission lines crisscrossing ecosystems; Bryce would prefer natural gas be a central part of a sustainable energy system. But building big photovoltaic and wind factories, big wind and possibly solar farms, installing solar panels on buildings, and using some natural gas are certainly better parts of a solution than building more coal plants, which not only emit the largest concentrations of carbon, but spew a toxic cocktail of mercury and other public safety hazards. It is important to debate all alternatives, and then, soberly and pragmatically, choose the best economically and ecologically sustainable combination.

Jon Rynn is the author of the book Manufacturing Green Prosperity: The power to rebuild the American middle class, available from Praeger Press. He holds a Ph.D. in political science and is a Visiting Scholar at the CUNY Institute for Urban Systems.

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A Call to Address Climate Change and Revitalize American Communities at the Same Time

Jun 2, 2011Zachary Kolodin

electric-tower-150As the Roosevelt Institute Campus Network releases its progressive, practical Budget for a Millennial America, those who helped craft it will explain their innovative ideas and tough choices in a

electric-tower-150As the Roosevelt Institute Campus Network releases its progressive, practical Budget for a Millennial America, those who helped craft it will explain their innovative ideas and tough choices in a series of posts. Zachary Kolodin explains why the Millennial generation cares about creating a green manufacturing economy -- and how they plan to do it.

Addressing America's budget challenge is fundamentally about putting our country on a path to sustainability. Fortunately for us, achieving fiscal balance is not at odds with addressing America's other major sustainability challenge: climate change. Millennials see climate change as a paramount challenge for our generation. But too often, climate and environmental advocates are unwilling to listen to community voices that are invested in a quality of life based on unsustainable practices. Millennials also recognize that in order to implement any transformative policy, we must listen to those who may be hurt by reform and invest in them. We have proposed a set of tax reforms and investments to ensure that the 21st century green economy comes to fruition not just in the wind energy-rich Midwest or the solar-rich Southwest, but all across the country.

With almost every non-partisan expert adamant about the dire consequences of inaction on addressing the environment, Millennials believe that the scientific evidence in support of climate change is too convincing to ignore. We will bear most of the costs if the United States fails, but we are also prepared to carry the burden of mitigating this threat. The Roosevelt Institute Campus Network recommends the introduction of an upstream carbon tax of $23 per ton of carbon dioxide equivalent beginning in 2012. This price will increase by 5.6% each year, which is consistent with the EPA's conservative estimates of the social cost of carbon. The CBO has also projected that it will reduce emissions by 36% of projected levels by 2026, setting us on a path to responsible levels of emissions over the long term.

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It is a clear moral imperative to reverse the tide of climate change, but Millennials recognize that we cannot do so without assisting hard-working Americans who may be hurt by the decline of the fossil fuel industry. Places like the oil-producing Gulf Coast and the coal-rich Appalachian region would be especially hard hit. In order to spur the development of alternative industries less dependent on the carbon economy in these regions, we recommend a revitalization program specifically targeted at them called America's Revitalization for Areas Adversely Affected by the Carbon Tax (ARPACT). Governors, planning commissions, and other government and non-governmental organizations will be eligible to apply for ARPACT grants. Roosevelt recommends making $45 billion in grant funds available to carbon-dependant communities every year from 2013-2021.

Finally, Millennials believe that it is imperative that the United States excels in the field of green jobs and sustainable consumption. That is why much of the revenue generated from our carbon tax will go to substantive investments in the new economy of green manufacturing. Robust federal investment in sustainable consumption will ensure that the transition to a low-carbon economy can be relatively fluid, ensuring that we move from carbon-intensive manufacturing to a more sustainable future. We do not argue that the challenge of minimizing global warming will be easy or painless. However, we see it as the responsibility of our generation, and mankind more generally, to protect the ecosystem and ensure that our children enjoy the same luxuries we have.

Zachary Kolodin is the Director of the Future Preparedness Initiative at the Roosevelt Institute.

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A Leaner, Meaner Defense Strategy Can Reduce the Deficit

May 31, 2011Reese Neader

us-great-sealAs the Roosevelt Institute Campus Network releases its progressive, practical Budget for a Millennial America, those who helped craft it will explain their innovative ideas and tough choices in a series of posts.

us-great-sealAs the Roosevelt Institute Campus Network releases its progressive, practical Budget for a Millennial America, those who helped craft it will explain their innovative ideas and tough choices in a series of posts. Reese Neader outlines five key changes to defense that would make us safer while saving us money.

To achieve our long-term fiscal sustainability goals and win the 21st century, we need to rethink our approach to national defense. Any serious plan to address our long-term debt will include cuts to defense spending, not just because we spend too much on defense, but also because our current spending priorities do not address the changing threats to US national security.

The Roosevelt Institute Campus Network has released its Budget for Millennial America, a plan for fiscal sustainability that reflects the long-term values and priorities of the next American generation. A key piece of our budget is a defense spending plan that outlines a ‘Millennial Grand Strategy,' which cuts wasteful defense spending and makes investments to ensure our future security.

During the Cold War, there was a clear overarching goal for US foreign policy: contain and defeat communism. But since its end, when the US became the world's only superpower, we have operated without a coherent long-term strategy that defines our position in the international system, outlines our goals for engagement with other countries, and provides a plan for ensuring that our foreign policy builds our national prosperity. We need a ‘Grand Strategy' to ensure that America wins the 21st century. Our plan includes five key components:

1. Confront New Threats
There are approximately 440,000 US troops stationed or deployed overseas, close to the number overseas at the close of the Cold War. The threats to US national security have changed dramatically since the fall of the Berlin Wall; rogue non-state actors, transnational criminal networks, and failing states that serve as safe havens for extremism are the new security threats. These new challenges demand a new strategic approach. By rebalancing the deployment of US forces overseas away from Cold War bases in Europe and East Asia, the US can be more responsive and agile in addressing global threats. And by ending costly wars of occupation in Iraq and Afghanistan, US forces can be redirected towards supporting small-scale counter-terrorism operations like the recent, successful campaign to eliminate Osama bin Laden.

2. Deploy New Tools
War is always the result of political failure. By investing in the infrastructure of developing countries and engaging in effective diplomacy with the international community, the US can save trillions of dollars by avoiding potential conflicts. There is strong bi-partisan consensus that 21st century threats need to be addressed with a mix of foreign policy tactics, placing a stronger emphasis on development and diplomacy as effective tools of statecraft, a concept commonly referred to as "smart power." The government needs to reform our foreign policy institutions to encourage cooperation and collaboration between networks. This approach will require rebalancing funding levels for the State Department and US foreign assistance programs. By mixing the use of defense, development, and diplomacy, the United States can reduce expenditures and work more effectively to ensure global stability.

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3. Share the Cost of Security
America can also fight more effectively by working closely with its partners to decrease the risk of polarization and militarization in the international system. Instead of always shouldering the burden to preserve global stability, the US can work as a "super-partner" with its allies, providing key assistance to regional powers. In effect, the U.S. will get more bang for its buck, reducing spending on intervention and increasing the impact of foreign aid by getting the same security results for less dollars spent.

4. Fix a Broken Procurement System
While the US military has made commendable strides towards modernizing its fighting force to address current threats to the international system, Congress has consistently refused to reform a broken weapons procurement system. Every year, billions of dollars are wasted in paying for weapons programs that the military doesn't want because defense contractors have close relationships with Congress. Instead of spending money in an efficient and transparent manner, Congress continues to support a system that operates like a corporate welfare giveaway. Our military needs the ability to more tightly control the arms procurement process and modernize its fighting forces to address 21st century threats.

5. Build Shared Prosperity on Renewable Energy
Our military also keeps our country safe by promoting American prosperity. Many major commercial innovations of the past 75 years have come, directly or indirectly, from military research: satellites, the microchip, the Internet. Right now, the innovations will need to come in building a new energy infrastructure. During the 20th century, American prosperity was ensured in large part by access to cheap and reliable oil. But in the 21st century, we will have to transition toward using renewable energy resources. Investing in renewable energy research now will help ensure America's global leadership, promote our continued prosperity, and save us money by diverting potential future conflicts over access to energy. The US military has correctly identified climate change and energy security as key threats to our national security. With increased funding channeled from other savings in our proposal, the Department of Defense can be positioned to lead our country's efforts towards achieving energy independence in the 21st century.

To achieve our long-term fiscal goals and win the 21st century, we need to rethink our approach to national defense. Not only does our ‘Millennial Grand Strategy,' part of the Budget for Millennial America, make sense given our budget and global resource constraints, but it also expresses sound policies that will save America money, restore our image abroad, and save American lives.

Reese Neader is the Roosevelt Campus Network’s Policy Director.

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