Live at Dissent Magazine with "From Master Plan To No Plan"

Oct 24, 2012Mike Konczal

I have an article in the latest Dissent Magazine, co-written with Aaron Bady, titled "From Master Plan to No Plan: The Slow Death of Public Higher Education." It's now live and kicking off their newly redesigned webpage. It starts with Ronald Reagan in California in the 1960s, does a history of the creation and strengths of the University of California's Master Plan system and its dissembly, and ends with what John Aubrey Douglass calls the the Brazilian Effect. It's full of riot cops, occupations, moderate Republicans, thoughts on elasticities of supply, for-profit schools and more.

I have an article in the latest Dissent Magazine, co-written with Aaron Bady, titled "From Master Plan to No Plan: The Slow Death of Public Higher Education." It's now live and kicking off their newly redesigned webpage. It starts with Ronald Reagan in California in the 1960s, does a history of the creation and strengths of the University of California's Master Plan system and its dissembly, and ends with what John Aubrey Douglass calls the the Brazilian Effect. It's full of riot cops, occupations, moderate Republicans, thoughts on elasticities of supply, for-profit schools and more.

I hope this starts to move the conversation forward on higher education outside a specific focus on student debt, because that is likely to reach its limits outside a broader vision of what needs to be accomplished. Andy Kroll wrote a similar piece that went live earlier this month, so I think there's a lot of interest in this topic. In March, Catherine Rampell wrote about the Brazilian Effect in economix. Andrew Ross wrote a fantastic piece for Dissent's series on education on the aggressive expansion of NYU and other universities as part of a conscious urban planning framework, combining growth models based on the FIRE industires with those in the ICE (intellectual, cultural and educational) industries, which is an important part of the puzzle.

This may be my favorite written thing with my name on it and, as I've been given opportunities I wouldn't have had without public higher education, this political and economic battle means a lot to me. Hope you check it out.

 

Follow or contact the Rortybomb blog:
  

Share This

A President Should Run the Country Like a Household, Not a Business

Oct 22, 2012Minjon Tholen

Romney and his conservative colleagues have made it clear that they care more about bottom lines than investing in people's lives.

Romney and his conservative colleagues have made it clear that they care more about bottom lines than investing in people's lives.

In last week’s presidential debate, Governor Romney said he will make a great president because he is a businessman and has run companies. He might know how to make a profit and possibly balance a budget like he promises. But running a country is not just about balancing the budget – which, by the way, he likely wouldn’t be able to do any better than President Obama – and it is definitely not about making a profit.

President Obama is not trying to run America like a company. He has a background in community organizing and is trying to run the country like a community, like a family, a household. A nation is not just a material system of capital, investment, and revenue. It directly affects the human lives of each and every American. Households are invested in every family member, as their shared living space, culture, history, and lineage binds them together for life. In companies, on the other hand, employers and employees are generally tied together by monetary relationships.

A few years ago, I met a member of the Pan-African Parliament at the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women. We had a conversation about how to encourage women to participate in politics. She said she talks to women living in the villages in her country, and they typically respond that politics is not for them, as they “only” know how to run a household. The member of Parliament then told them that if they can run a household, they can run a country. Think about it: you have to work together and negotiate with your spouse or partner to make decisions and get things done (bi-partisanship), understand and respond to the needs of the various family members (constituencies), and do so strategically with limited resources (budgeting, redistribution, long-term investments).

This is President Obama's strength. Sure, he hasn’t been a perfect president – if such a thing exists. But I trust him as a leader. I believe he truly cares about all constituencies, especially those who have traditionally been disenfranchised. He understands the strategic, long-term social and economic benefits of investing in quality education, efficient universal healthcare, healthy lifestyles, fair distribution of resources, and respect and equal rights for every individual. He understands that a country is only as strong as its weakest link and that leveling the playing field for everyone facilitates equal opportunity and empowerment for individuals as well as for the entire country. He understands that creativity, innovation, and progress are promoted by leveraging our rich diversity. His commitments and policies regarding healthcare, gender equality, poverty, education, and immigration, for instance, give us the feeling that he is everyone’s president.

Governor Romney, on the other hand, recently made it very clear that it is not his job to be concerned about 47 percent of Americans. He implied that almost half of the country does not take responsibility for itself and that he won’t be able to convince it otherwise. But most people want nothing more than to be economically independent, and the fact that some are not is more a reflection of social inequalities than of their characters. As most parents know, to raise your children to be self-sufficient and productive members of society, they need to develop skills and gain knowledge. They need to be invested in; they need opportunities for personal and professional development.

David Brooks argues, "People are motivated when they feel competent. They are motivated when they have more opportunities. Ambition is fired by possibility, not by deprivation." Deprivation of opportunity -- an unleveled playing field -- does not create self-sufficiency and actually fosters dependency on others, including on the government. For all the conservative rhetoric about economic self-sufficiency and individual freedom, President Obama seems to get this logic better than his opponent, with a long-term plan to empower all Americans and with strategic budget decisions that will set us on the road to economic recovery, deficit reduction, and a more equitable society. Republicans say they so greatly value “the family as the cornerstone of society,” yet they disregard the factors that promote economically independent, educated, healthy, and thriving individuals and families.

By not raising taxes, cutting capital gains, and reducing the corporate income tax, Governor Romney is catering to big business and the wealthy and their interest in making a profit. Like companies, Republicans are focused on their own bottom line and the bottom lines of those they consider stakeholders in the conservative political ideology, rather than on the empowerment of all the American people. I’m sure Governor Romney is a wonderful husband and father. It just doesn’t seem like he would be a true family man when it comes to 100 percent of the American family.

Minjon Tholen is a Roosevelt Institute | Pipeline Fellow and the Training & Development Specialist at Cook Ross Inc.

Share This

Despite a Strong Debate, Obama Remains Vulnerable on the Economy

Oct 18, 2012Jeff Madrick

The president found his voice in the second debate, but he still needs to make a clearer case for the progress he's made.

There has been entirely too much celebrating about President Obama’s debate performance on Tuesday. He did very well, without a doubt. He won hands down. He didn’t get into the ring cold, and he showed that he knew his stuff—and that Romney really didn’t.

The president found his voice in the second debate, but he still needs to make a clearer case for the progress he's made.

There has been entirely too much celebrating about President Obama’s debate performance on Tuesday. He did very well, without a doubt. He won hands down. He didn’t get into the ring cold, and he showed that he knew his stuff—and that Romney really didn’t.

But the economy remains the ace in the hole for Romney and Ryan. We haven’t nearly recovered in terms of jobs, and that’s a tough fact to slide by. The unemployment rate rose rapidly in Bush’s last term to around 8 percent, then peaked in 2009 at 10 percent and slowly came down to its current level. So we are only back to the start of the Obama term. No one ever won the presidency with a 7.8 percent unemployment rate. And we know, as Romney keeps reminding us, that median family income is awful and that poverty is up.

Everyone knows this, and yet Obama did not have a good enough explanation of how much progress has been made. He sounded defensive. So Obama needs a strong, non-defensive explanation of his achievements, and one way to put it is what would have happened had Romney won the presidency in 2008. You’d have a 10 percent unemployment rate with Romney as president. Poverty would be way up. He’d be blaming Social Security and Medicare for all his problems, and he’s find economists to claim he was right. They might already be cutting these programs forever “in order to save them.” It’s triage -- throw the elderly out of the boat and let everyone else eat the rations. People would be poorer. They would get less health care. Those in poverty would have fewer benefits. Is that the kind of America you want?

Odds are that Romney, if he put the Romney-Ryan plan into effect, would create a bigger deficit, too. That’s actually what we need, but a deficit based on tax cuts will create few jobs. (EPI ran some numbers based on Mark Zandi's multipliers.) And if Romney did close the many tax holes he promises to, recession is almost guaranteed even as your taxes rise.

This concept is tough to communicate in a credible way. It just sounds like economists bickering. But there is a record out there: George W. Bush’s. His central economic policy was tax cuts for the rich, and he produced the slowest job growth of any president since the Depression. Romney will do that again. Promise.

Obama has to be clear: He stopped a depression. He is getting the housing market to come back after the worst devastation since the early 1930s. Employment stopped falling. But he shows hesitation in critical areas. Will he protect Social Security and Medicare? If so, then say so. The other guys will cut it, even gut it. But is he vacillating too much here. The talk about Dodd-Frank doesn’t win him many points because most of America thinks the banks got away with murder. He needs a better way of talking about that. As for Obamacare, he is talking about its good points, but he needs to be bolder still. List them all, and list them fast.

And when he says Romney is lying, which is a deliberate motif of the Republican game plan, don’t say he lied with a smile. Say, "It makes me very sad and disheartened when the governor misleads the American people. It is unfair to you voters. And when challenged, my opponent will come back and tell you again, that’s not what his program is, or he never said that. Be proud of your claims, Governor Romney; don’t back off them to win over some in the middle of the pack. Tell them where you really stand."

Finally, it is critical to be constructive about the uses of government. Tell America the only way the country will succeed and the economy will remain prosperous is if we bring everyone with us. Every American must be able to contribute to the economy with a good education and good health. Every region must have good, dependable transportation. Every part of America must breathe clean air. Government can do that.

Unfortunately, there is no third debate about domestic matters since the next one is on international events. But I bet we get back to the economy in the third debate. I hope so. Democrats have to realize that every time Romney says "just look at the record," they are behind the eight ball. Obama needs a very clear, persuasive statement about how bad the economy was in 2009 and how much he did. He stopped the bleeding. The patient was in the hospital. Who put him there? The Republicans, with the same plan Romney is offering today. The patient is resuscitated. Jobs are coming back. The housing market has turned the corner. Everyone is still getting Social Security and Medicare. And now 30 million more will have health insurance. 

Oops, I've already said all this. Sorry, readers. But why do I have to keep repeating it?

Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Jeff Madrick is the Director of the Roosevelt Institute’s Rediscovering Government initiative and author of Age of Greed.

Share This

The Biggest Debate Question: Where Were the Real Policy Solutions?

Oct 17, 2012

After last night's debate performance, did any substantive policy solutions get through? Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network students didn't hear a lot to go on.

Lydia Austin, Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network Senior Fellow for Economic Development and Chapter Head at the University of Michigan:

After last night's debate performance, did any substantive policy solutions get through? Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network students didn't hear a lot to go on.

Lydia Austin, Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network Senior Fellow for Economic Development and Chapter Head at the University of Michigan:

It's unfortunate that political debates are primarily judged on the candidate's personalities, and not their policies. Much of the consensus regarding "who won" is based on who was perceived to be in charge, who didn't get rattled, and who made it through the night without a bemused look upon his face. President Obama won the personality debate, but what about the actual policy proposals? Some of the most outstanding moments from the policy debate came from Mitt Romney: he championed flexibility for working women in a way that indicated how much he truly valued their presence in the workplace, and he put forth an interesting capital gains tax proposal. As part of Governor Romney's tax proposal, he would eliminate capital gains taxes for individuals making under $200,000 a year. The implications of this proposal are interesting: while it would encourage people to invest in savings, it would also benefit those individuals who already earn much of their income from investments (up to a certain point). Democratization of capital holdings is essential for a thriving middle class, and while both candidates implicitly addressed this in the debate, Romney's tax plan was what caught my attention.

Jessie Molloy, Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network member at DePaul University:

The selected voters had some interesting and insightful questions, but neither Governor Romney nor President Obama seemed particularly inclined to answer them. Instead, both candidates fell back into familiar side-step routines and parroted over and over again the same answers and points they have given a dozen times before at the conventions, at rallies, and at the first debate.

One particularly good example of this indirect approach to answers was on the issue of inequality in women’s pay. Obama talked about his mother “hitting the glass ceiling” and then spun the question into a tangent about education and creating opportunities for America’s youth. Romney discussed his experience as governor when he reportedly saw too many male cabinet candidates and sent out his staff to find “binders of women.” In the eight minutes or so the topic was on the table, neither candidate actually acknowledged how he would ensure women would be paid the same as their male counterparts. 

Share This

The Vice Presidential Debate: Where's the Man with a Plan?

Oct 12, 2012Bo Cutter

Biden and Ryan have some real ideas, but neither side has a plan to get us out of this economic mess.

Biden and Ryan have some real ideas, but neither side has a plan to get us out of this economic mess.

Last night's debate will be seen as an interlude: there were no knock-outs and both Vice President Biden and Congressman Ryan did fine. Biden guffawed too heartedly and interrupted too much, Ryan looked strikingly like a puppy dog, the bases will be happy, and the five undecided people in America who will actually vote still can't decide. So I want to comment on four points that occurred to me as I watched, a couple of which were reinforced by two columns this morning: Paul Krugman in New York  Times and Matt Miller in the Washington Post.

First, Joe Biden and Paul Ryan are both appealingly ordinary and normal - particularly compared to their principals. The right loves to portray Biden as a buffoon while the left sees Ryan sort of as an evil genius. But both of them have actually been committed advocates of honest to god real ideas throughout their careers. I'd enjoy a beer and a conversation with either of them, and I think there would be some actual give-and-take. I'm not sure that would be the case with either Barack or Mitt. Yet in today's awful politics, there is not a chance in hell that Biden or Ryan would know each other, speak to each other, or work with each other. 

Second, I am amazed at the ease with which Romney and Ryan have been able - have been allowed - to completely reposition themselves. I say this both as a partisan and with more clinical detachment as someone with a 45-year professional involvement in government and politics. You name the issue - taxes, entitlements, the middle class, abortion, their previous statements and records - Romney and Ryan have both, blithely and nonchalantly, taken off their old, worn, primary tried and true, crazy right wing of the Republican Party clothes and put on new tailor-made ones. It turns out that "etch-a-sketch" comment by Romney's campaign spokesman a couple of months ago wasn't a metaphor, it was a prediction. I stand in awe.  

Third, I cannot understand, I will never understand, the complete absence on the part of either President Obama or Vice President Biden of a well developed, credible economic narrative and plan. This is a theme where I have on a couple of occasions disagreed with Paul Krugman. In a past column that he repeated a week or so ago, Paul Krugman has derided to an extreme degree the whole notion of "focus." He characterized dwelling on the lack of "focus" as "intellectual cowardice," saying, "the whole focus on 'focus' is, as I see it, an act of intellectual cowardice - a way to criticize President Obama's record without explaining what you would have done differently." (I want to be clear that I am not implying in any way that Professor Krugman was referring to my blog. I cannot imagine that he read it.)

God forbid I say this about a Nobel Prize winner, but he was wrong then, and he's wrong now. In a blog post I wrote in November of 2010, I did say exactly what I would have done, and it is exactly this lack of "focus," of a well developed economic narrative and plan, that lies at the heart of President Obama's campaign problem in this campaign. Joe Biden did his absolute best to fill this vacuum on the run, flying without a net, but his efforts did not substitute for a narrative and explanation developed over a whole term of talking to the American people. On the central issue, economic policy, that President Obama should never have had the slightest problem winning, his White House never built the story, and, boy, does its absence show and hurt today.

Finally, plans. Governor Romney has a "plan." Congressman Ryan referred to this "plan" a number of times. Having a "plan," no matter how completely empty, how completely devoid of substance it is, is better than not having one. I've read everything I could find about the Romney "plan" and there is no "there" there. It really does consist of saying that Governor Romney is for the Good and against the Bad. It was almost certainly created in five minutes by some speechwriter who was told the campaign needed a plan. I sure wish President Obama had had that speechwriter. Actually, I think one could develop quite a good plan, one that would actually be helpful in the real world as well as "campaign world." But there isn't one for President Obama; someone forgot.

Then on the topic of plans, Matt Miller makes a point that has continually jumped out at me: "In one sense the evening was impressive... On the other hand it was depressing, because the choice doesn't include a party with a real plan to renew the country."

Matt is correct. Neither the right nor the left has anything even remotely resembling a set of credible ideas that will get us out of the current mess and prepare us for both  hugely changed economic circumstances and for what I believe are enormous opportunities. The right doesn't seem to give a damn about inequality, mobility, or the social contract. The left is frozen in amber sometime around 1951. We could do, and we have to do a lot better, but we don't. And because we don't, we also don't debate the politics of the future. We face huge changes as a nation. Great, transformative, world-changing politicians figure out how to help a nation cope with and handle change. They don't screw around debating the validity of different numbers buried in different Medicare scenarios offered up by the Congressional Budget Office.

For those who like numbers, Nate Silver now gives President Obama a 66 percent chance of winning, with 289 electoral votes. RealClear Politics forced choice gives President Obama 292 electoral votes, but its last 6 poll average gives Romney an average 1.7 percent edge. InTrade gives President Obama a 63 percent chance and 282 electoral votes. The Iowa Market gives President Obama a 65 pwexwnr chance. In the last week, this election has become a cliff-hanger at both the national and state levels.

Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Bo Cutter is formerly a managing partner of Warburg Pincus, a major global private equity firm. Recently, he served as the leader of President Obama’s Office of Management and Budget (OMB) transition team. He has also served in senior roles in the White Houses of two Democratic Presidents.

Share This

Did the Vice Presidential Candidates Have Anything to Say to Millennials?

Oct 12, 2012

The debate was certainly heated, but did it offer any solutions to the next generation? Members and staff from the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network and Pipeline weigh in.

Grant Ferowich, Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network, Wake Forest

The debate was certainly heated, but did it offer any solutions to the next generation? Members and staff from the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network and Pipeline weigh in.

Grant Ferowich, Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network, Wake Forest

As Paul Ryan and Mitt Romney stated in consecutive debates, one message is clear: they stand for a strong(er) military. Indeed, Paul Ryan’s supposedly ruthless and draconian Budget Plan actually increases defense spending by 20 percent. The budget-minded Republicans apparently have a tainted perception of foreign policy. Since the end of the Cold War, the percentage of our national budget devoted to security has hardly changed. We are in an arms race with ourselves.

Despite attempts to reassure citizens with promises of security and protection, it seems that the Republican mindset fails to grasp that a bigger military means a bigger government. Furthermore, as the Simpson-Bowles Bipartisan Deficit Reduction plan notes, our nation cannot afford to be the world’s police. Currently, the U.S. spends more money on the military than the next 15 countries combined. This includes China, Russia, and the U.K., and the list goes on. It simply is not coherent for the Millennial Generation to accept a platform that promises to cut Pell Grants in half while increasing the size of a bloated military. And we of course must not forget the warning of General Dwight D. Eisenhower: “The problem in defense is how far you can go without destroying from within what you are trying to defend from without.”

Dante Barry, Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network Chapter Services and Summer Academy Coordinator

We still got the standard talking points from both Vice President Joe Biden and from Congressman Paul Ryan, and we are still without answers to issues like education, immigration, money in politics, and so forth. I was disheartened to also not hear much for young people, despite Ryan's disconcerting remarks about Social Security. Politically, Vice President Biden did what President Obama should have done last week, though it was an unsuccessful appeal to undecided voters, similarly to last week's presidential debate with an aggressive Romney. I'm glad that we were able to see a well moderated debate that challenged both vice presidential candidates on their actions and their stances. 

David Weinberger, Roosevelt Institute | Pipeline, New York

While it was clear to me that Vice President Biden was able to give the more articulate, level-headed, and progressive vision for America's future last night, he could have been a bit stronger. It's great that both campaigns claim to be fighting for a "fair shot" for the middle class. Indeed, the Obama administration has made some valiant efforts to bring quality education, health care, and other social and economic services to the middle class. But the administration has also made significant progress in ensuring that all Americans, regardless of background or location, have access to the environmental services that underpin public health and economic opportunity. Low- and middle-income Americans don't have a fair shot without clean air, clean water, and access to clean and affordable energy resources. The Obama administration's environmental record is by no means an environmentalist's dream, but the air, water, and climate standards issued under it have been essential--and uncelebrated--components of the recovery. The American economy is nothing without the people who drive it, and that means that we must continue to invest in sustaining healthy communities. Environmental standards and green job investments are not points on the president's record to run away from. The Obama campaign should embrace these accomplishments as linchpins in his recovery effort. By separating the president's environmental record from his economic recovery agenda, the campaign is opening itself up to misguided accusations that the administration has sacrificed economic goals for investments in what Congressman Ryan claims is a failed green jobs program. I'll take a solar installation job and clean water over asthma and a Medicare voucher any day.

Naomi Ahsan, Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network, University of Rochester

My greatest disappointment last night was the lack of detail on Ryan's too-good-to-be-true budget. Twenty-seven days out from an election that everyone says is about the economy, we still don't have any specifics on the proposed tax cuts. Reducing potential revenues is the opposite of paying down a debt. We do know that austerity for our social insurance programs is going to materially increase Americans' suffering. Ryan confirmed tonight that he and Romney don't understand America's struggle. It's not just about saving money and having more to spend. It's also about having a healthy economy with jobs, mobility, and the nurturing of research, education, and entrepreneurship. I do applaud the attention to American foreign policy, which historically and regrettably lacks democratic character in representing American opinions and respecting global humanitarian needs. 

Mawish Raza, Roosevelt Institute | Pipeline, University of Maryland

Vice President Joe Biden and Congressman Paul Ryan not only surprised viewers with a gripping, emotional debate, but one that was surprisingly stimulated by substance. Regardless of my personal views, both candidates presented the issues and represented their views through meaningful content. Unlike the enthusiasm, or lack thereof, during the first round of presidential debates last week, both exuded exhilaration throughout the course of the debate, from Vice President Biden’s sarcastic expressions to Congressman Ryan’s searing comebacks. Moderator Martha Raddatz also played the role of an actual moderator by pressing relevant, controversial issues, such as the war in Afghanistan, abortion, and the role of religion in policy. When discussing the tragic loss of Ambassador Stevens and the Obama administration’s reaction to the recent Middle East protests, Congressman Ryan indicated that the appropriate response to a tumultuous minority faction would have been to dismiss the film entirely and only deplore the violence that resulted. With all respect, Mr. Congressman, the glaring problem with this hard power approach -- which would apply to all international affairs -- is that it fails to create a relationship and dialogue with the resentful populations. Mr. Congressman, you probably didn’t notice, but during this misguided "Muslim rage," there were other protests going on in regions such as Cairo -- led by students occupying the American University of Cairo -- for high tuition rates. Following this was a protest by doctors, also in Cairo. This is what the Arab Spring seemed to have missed and what the Romney-Ryan campaign has blatantly ignored. By simply reducing an entire region to the heinous crimes committed by an extremely small, misrepresenting faction, we are encouraging the anti-western sentiment that caused the loss of Ambassador Stevens, continues to influence the ayatollah's negation, and triggers terrorist organizations to keep targeting American civilians. We should not defend these individuals and organizations that jeopardize and endanger our security and react aggressively. At the same time, rather than aggressively imposing our political standards and values on another culture through the presence of our military, we need to create dialogue and conversation that will stabilize a longer-lasting framework. When honoring the loss of a dearly departed diplomat, it is only just to continue the mission and values that he worked so hard to develop in Libya.

 

Tahsin Chowdhury, Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network, CCNY

The vice presidential debate between Joe Biden and Paul Ryan was indeed entertaining, and it was pleasant to see my peers who are not usually politically active to engage in a political discussion through social media. Some people were tweeting/writing statuses about Joe Biden’s use of the word “malarkey” and his laughter, and others were focused on more substantive issues. I had some issues with both candidates and their performance in the debate.

While Joe Biden was substantively the stronger candidate, consistently disproving Paul Ryan’s statements and aggressively standing his ground, it should not go unnoticed that he presented a degree of unprofessionalism in the debate. While Paul Ryan was making his arguments, Vice President Biden consistently interrupted with an argument and trying to disprove his opponent. My “left wing New York" peers were the first to criticize Mitt Romney about interrupting President Obama, but were reluctant to disagree with Joe Biden’s same tendencies. The same happened with my Romney supporter peers except vice versa. This double standard and stubborn bias is unproductive for American “political growth” of the youth and it’s sad to see that people’s objective approaches to a political discussion are waning in numbers. Joe Biden was also inaccurate on one of his statements about the fact the U.S. Embassy that was attacked in Libya did not request more diplomatic security personnel. Many journalistic sources claim they have. While I do not believe Joe Biden bluntly lied, I believe he is inaccurate and this was most likely an internal management flaw within the intelligence community. It does take government a lot of clearance to get from one end to the other. Vice President Biden should have cleared this information with his staff before the debate.That was a lack of responsibility from his end.

Paul Ryan had difficulty criticizing the opposition on foreign policy. When asked about how he’ll increase spending on the defense budget, he denied he said that and made the attempt to justify/fabricate what he said. Biden justified reallocation of defense funds elsewhere in the government by saying that America is ending its wars abroad slowly and money may not be well spent if such funding remains. Paul Ryan attempted to justify adding more to the budget by saying “we need more security” when we clearly spend more money on defense than all the other countries combined. He stumbled on the question of “what’s our current national security threat” and displayed utter weakness of his grasp of the topic. With regards to Afghanistan, they both tended to agree. However, Paul Ryan made the attempt to disagree, which showed weakness. Vice President Biden did a powerful job maintaining the argument that U.S. military was successful in training Afghani security forces.

Democrats and Republicans switched places from the first debate in the sense that Vice President Biden was playing offense and Paul Ryan was playing defense with a weak offense. He maintained accuracy of substance -- for the most part, that is -- and that makes him the “winner” in common wisdom. I look forward to the debate on foreign policy. It will be difficult for Mitt Romney to criticize President Obama on the topic, because much was accomplished in Obama’s four-year term as president: Osama Bin Laden was assassinated, Muammar Gadhafi was murdered and Libya “liberated,” Egypt democratized, and American interests in Southeast Asia were reaffirmed. And Obama continued many Bush policies while affirming the Iraq and Afghanistan troop withdrawal.

Share This

Romney's Tax Plan is Another Shot Fired in the Generational War

Oct 3, 2012Mark Schmitt

Romney's new cap on tax deductions, like his other policies, would transfer wealth to the wealthy and hit the young while shielding the elderly.

Romney's new cap on tax deductions, like his other policies, would transfer wealth to the wealthy and hit the young while shielding the elderly.

On Tuesday, Mitt Romney hinted at a key detail about his mysterious tax reform proposal. While he had previously suggested that he might eliminate some tax deductions or credits to pay for his proposal to reduce rates by one-fifth, yesterday he suggested that he would instead cap each taxpayer's total deductions at $17,000. Some questions remain, such as whether he would include the exclusion for health insurance in the cap, whether it applies to single filers or married couples, or whether it would raise enough money to pay for his proposed cuts. (Probably not.) But assume that it's a cap on the value of the biggest deductions, such as the mortgage interest deduction and the deduction for state and local taxes.

Because Romney would keep the preference for capital gains and dividend income and lower the top rate, any proposal to eliminate major deductions would in effect be, exactly as the Obama campaign has argued, a tax increase for the middle class to pay for a tax cut for the rich. A cap would work differently. Since it would impact only those whose deductions total more than $17,000, it would affect only the fairly well-off – those whose mortgage interest, state and local taxes, out-of-pocket health expenses, and other deductions exceed $17,000. As Suzy Khimm points out at Wonkblog, that will mostly be wealthy people in high-tax jurisdictions – but even the purchaser of a $450,000 house in Washington, DC would pay $18,000 in mortgage interest at the beginning.

Yet the Romney proposal as a whole, with capital gains still protected, would nonetheless redistribute income from the merely well-off to the very, very rich. To see what I mean, let's look at Mitt Romney's own tax return for 2011: Romney's deductions total $4,519,140 – a lot of money. At his average tax rate of 14 percent, deductions saved him $632,679. A cap would take away all but about $2,000 of that $632,679.

But look at what the capital gains preference does for him: Romney took home $12,573,249 in capital gains in 2011. (I've left out dividends, just to keep it simple.) At 15 percent, that's about $1,885,950 of his taxes. But if he paid the same rate as on ordinary income, 35 percent, he would pay about $4.4 million. So the capital gains preference saved him $2.5 million, while deductions saved him only about $632,000.

I'm just using Romney as an example here, partly because he's a very rich person whose tax return I happen to have. But a well-off family, earning maybe $200,000 a year in ordinary income with a $600,000 house, is already paying a much higher rate than the Romneys of the world and would face a significant increase.

There's one more thing about this proposal that hasn't really been mentioned: It would be a giant intergenerational transfer from young to old. Just as Paul Ryan's Medicare proposal creates a generational divide between those currently under 55 (who have spent much of their working lives in a stagnant economy) and those who are older and whose benefits would be protected, capping deductions has a similar generational effect. Why? Because younger people benefit disproportionately from the mortgage interest tax deduction and older people benefit from preferential rates on capital gains and dividends.

The mortgage interest deduction is worth much more in the early life of a mortgage, when most of each monthly payment is interest, than later, when it becomes mostly principal. And the deduction has no value for people who have paid off their homes or paid mostly in cash from the sale of an old home. Finally, older homeowners are more likely to have purchased before the real estate bubble of the 2000s. In a 2008 paper, the economists James Poterba and Todd Sinai examined the distribution of tax deductions by age and other categories. They found that homeowners between the ages of 25 and 35 got an average value from the mortgage interest deduction of $1,155, and homeowners between 35 and 50 got $1,598. But homeowners over 65 got only $149 on average from the deduction.

Who benefits from the preference for capital gains and dividends? Here's a chart from Paul Caron's TaxProf Blog

As the chart indicates, taxpayers over 65 are twice as likely to have capital gains or dividend income than those 45-55, and those preferred sources of income make up much more of their income than for younger groups – six times as much in the case of dividends. The Romney tax plan would protect this advantage.

While many older Americans live under great economic stress and poverty, there is a significant portion of them who benefited greatly from the economic prosperity of the post-War era, who had significant economic gains from their early investments in housing and in the stock market in the 1970s and 1980s, and who also benefit from programs such as Medicare and Social Security that provide them significant economic security. The younger generation (by which I mean those under 55) has not had the same advantages, and both Ryan's budget and Romney's tax plan would make it worse for them while protecting the wealthiest of the older generation.

Mark Schmitt is a Senior Fellow at the Roosevelt Institute.

Share This

Republicans are Pro-Choice (on Paying Taxes)

Sep 28, 2012Tim Price

Instead of establishing a fair baseline for rich taxpayers, House Republicans want to let the rich chip in whatever they want.

Instead of establishing a fair baseline for rich taxpayers, House Republicans want to let the rich chip in whatever they want.

Last October, President Obama introduced the so-called “Buffett Rule,” a tax provision that would require multimillionaires to pay a minimum 30 percent effective tax rate. It was named for the Oracle of Omaha himself, Warren Buffett, who famously complained about paying a lower tax rate than his own secretary. The idea garnered a great deal of public support, with one CNN poll from April 2012 finding as many as 76 percent of Americans in favor. Last week, bowing to popular demand, House Republicans passed the Buffett Rule Act of 2012, which naturally has nothing to do with any of that. Instead of establishing a baseline of fairness, it encapsulates the conservative notion that wealthy Americans shouldn’t be asked to contribute any more to society than they’re willing to volunteer.

The Republicans’ version of the Buffett Rule, which is not actually a “rule” in the sense that you or I or Webster’s Dictionary might understand the word, would allow taxpayers to check a box on their tax forms if they want to contribute more than they owe in order to help pay down the deficit. But, you may ask, can’t taxpayers already choose to pay more than they owe? Why yes, they’re free to send a check to the Treasury Department. So what does this bill actually do? Well, it would add a box they can check to send it to the IRS instead! The Joint Committee on Taxation projects that this bold innovation would help raise $122 million in additional revenue over the next 10 years. That’s slightly less than the $47 billion that Barack Obama’s version of the Buffett Rule would raise, but combined with more tax cuts for the rich and corporations, it puts the hard-nosed deficit hawks in the GOP on track to balance the budget some time around the heat death of the universe.

There’s a fundamental ideological divide between progressives and the modern conservative movement, and it concerns how much they buy into the concept of the social contract. That divide is reflected in the GOP’s fallback response to President Obama’s Buffett Rule proposal: “If Warren Buffett thinks he doesn’t pay enough taxes, why doesn’t he just volunteer to pay more?” Mike Konczal effectively dismantles this pseudo-logic here, and on a rhetorical level, it’s on par with “If you love the government so much, why don’t you marry it?” On the other hand, it makes a certain amount of sense if you think of society as something we can choose to opt out of once it’s outlived its use to us instead of an ongoing support system that we’ve all bought into. If you see the rich as the people who have benefited the most from our tax-funded social structure, it only seems fair to ask them to give back more in tough times. But if you think the rich are noble martyrs who are doing the rest of us a favor by choosing not to “go Galt” and withdraw from society, it’s clearly unjust to ask any more of them unless they volunteer it out of the goodness of their hearts.

Unfortunately, the GOP approach presents an obvious collective action problem, which is why it’s expected to raise so much less money than Obama’s mandatory minimum rate. The reason we have a tax code in the first place is that we determined it was impossible to fund the essential functions of government by having the president busk for tips. We don’t set the federal budget by passing a basket around and adding up the loose change we’ve collected. Congress establishes tax rates, we pay our taxes, and in exchange we get schools, roads, police, firefighters, health care, clean air, safe food, and so on. That’s how it works – except for the wealthiest Americans. With Republicans’ help, they have a few extra steps, like hiding their money in tax shelters, benefiting from all those government services anyway, and then complaining vociferously about how unfairly they’re treated.

Case in point: during last week’s Friday news dump, Mitt Romney released his 2011 tax returns, which showed that he had overpaid his taxes to avoid dropping below a 13 percent effective rate. At first blush this might seem like an example of the Republican Buffett Rule in action: look at this guy, giving until it hurts! Never mind the fact that he once said anyone who did that was some kind of moron who didn’t deserve to be president. But this was pure campaign strategy, not altruism. Having made $13.7 million last year, he paid only a 14.1 percent effective tax rate even after fixing the numbers. The problem is, he’d previously said he’d never paid less than a 13 percent rate in the last 10 years, and if he had taken all the deductions he was entitled to this year, he might have wound up paying as little as 9 percent. To put it another way, if Romney had taken full advantage of the breaks offered to him by the current tax code, he would have paid so little as to embarrass himself. And he’s not alone. According to the Congressional Research Service, one quarter of millionaires pay an effective tax rate of less than 26.5 percent, while 10 million middle-class Americans pay a higher rate.

As former Reagan administration official Bruce Bartlett has noted, the ineffectual nature of the GOP’s Buffett Rule is a feature, not a bug. He writes, “The political reality is that Republicans don’t really support taxation at any level. Of course, none will go on the record saying that they favor abolition of all taxation; they just support every single tax cut and oppose every single tax increase.”

In the extreme Ayn Rand-inspired worldview that Republicans like vice presidential nominee Paul Ryan have embraced, non-voluntary taxation is essentially theft. In reality, it’s the only way to provide vital public goods. As I wrote in the wake of the Aurora shootings, an equitable society depends on a strong and reliable social safety net, not the kindness of strangers. The same holds true for other government functions. If we want the services we’ve determined government can most effectively provide, and if Republicans are serious about wanting to rein in the budget deficit, we need to set rules that establish a steady stream of revenue, not hope that Bill Gates is in an especially good mood when he fills out his 1040.

Tim Price is Deputy Editor of Next New Deal. Follow him on Twitter @txprice.

 

Tax forms image via Shutterstock.com. 

Share This

State and Local Education Funding Declined (Again) in 2011

Sep 28, 2012Mike Konczal

Here's something that might put larger trends into perspective. Earlier this month, the Bureau of Economic Analysis released data on state and local spending for the 2011 year. Here's how spending looks for state and local spending on elementary and secondary education:

Here's something that might put larger trends into perspective. Earlier this month, the Bureau of Economic Analysis released data on state and local spending for the 2011 year. Here's how spending looks for state and local spending on elementary and secondary education:

This isn't adjusted for inflation, so the decline is even worse. The dotted line is the seven-year pre-recession average projected forward. I'm pretty cynical about these things and knew that spending had declined in 2010, but I had expected it to even out or go up in 2011. Instead, it has declined further.

There's been yearly increases in spending on elementary and secondary education going back decades. We didn't develop some sort of technology that made educating young people cheaper in 2009 - instead, states were hit hard by a housing crash and liquidity issues that come with having to maintain a balanced budget in light of the worst downturn since the Great Depression. This also comes on top of the mass layoffs of teachers, some 200,000 during this recession. Rather than firing teachers while spending more elsewhere, we are just spending less educating our children, period. This is the worst kind of disinvestment, made at the worst possible time.

To bring in teachers' unions, the anti-teacher's union agitprop film "Won't Back Down" is getting negative reviews, including Liza Featherstone in Dissent and Dana Goldstein in The Nation. When you see examples of parents filling in for a failing school system, notice that this will increasingly be the case with declining funding for education. That gap in the graph above is being filled by parents and teachers for free or with children getting less education. Megan Erickson wrote about this trend in Jacobin, noting, "parents and kids are increasingly being asked to pitch in and paint the building or hawk candy bars to fill budget gaps. That’s because the values of freedom, autonomy, and choice are in perfect accordance with market-based 'reforms,' and with the neoliberal vision of society on which they’re based."

And this graph is why you need some organization at the front lines fighting for better spending on education, which is part of what teachers' unions do. There's been some great write-ups of the successes of the teachers' union strike in Chicago, including Richard D. Kahlenberg at The New Republic, Hamiltion Nolan at Gawker, and Josh Eidelson at Salon. A significant part of the strike was over broader and better educational outcome and more resources for schools. As this graph shows, it is a battle that will continue to be important.

Follow or contact the Rortybomb blog:
  

Share This

Is Taxing Capital Income Fair?

Sep 28, 2012Mike Konczal

In light of Mitt Romney's recent tax returns, the economic blogosphere has been kicking around the issue of capital taxation. Ryan Chittum at Columbia Journalism Review has an excellent overview of what people have been writing with "The capital gains preference." This is a response to Dylan Matthews and Matt Yglesias, who each present arguments from economists that capital gains taxes should be lower than other taxes, even potentially set at zero percent.

Many economic arguments are about tradeoffs, but the argument for the zero tax rate of savings, also similar to the arguments for a consumption tax, is usually phrased as an argument about fairness. In order to frame the fairness argument, economists bring up a story of two similar individuals with one as a saver and one as a spender. Yglesias has the framework in his post:

You imagine two prosperous but not outrageously so working people living somewhere—two doctors, say, living in nearby small towns. They're both pulling in incomes in the low six figures. One doctor chooses to spend basically 100 percent of his income on expensive non-durables. He goes on annual vacations to expensive cities and eats in a lot of fancy restaurants. The other doctor is much more frugal, not traveling much and eating modestly. Instead, he spends a lot of his money on hiring people to build buildings around town. Those buildings become houses, offices, retail stores, factories, etc. In other words, they're capital. And capital earns a return, so over time the second doctor comes to have a much higher income than the first doctor. [...]

In the world where investment income is taxed like labor income, the first doctor says to the second "man you're a sucker—not only are you deferring enjoyment of the fruits of your labor (boring) but when the money you've saved comes back to you, it gets taxed all over again. Live in the now.  And the thinking is that world number one where people with valuable skills take a large share of their labor income and transform it into capital goods is ultimately a richer world...

Taxing savings by having an income tax punishes the Saver Doctor relative to the Spender Doctor. If you just taxed what they consumed, they would be treated equally.

Yglesias leans on the idea that we'll be a richer world without taxing savings, because people will respond to the incentives against savings here. I don't believe the research bears this out. I'm not an expert, but I believe the impact, if any, is small. In their excellent summary book on taxation, Taxing Ourselves (2004, 3rd edition), Joel Slemrod and Jon Bakija conclude that a "large number of studies have attempted to address these problems to some degree, and they generally come to the conclusion that saving is not very responsive to incentives."

But if the efficiency argument is weak evidence, the fairness argument is assumed to make the case, and make it for zero percent taxation. It is unfair to tax the Saver Doctor even a penny more than the Spender Doctor. Scott Sumner gives a similar example at The Economist: "The proper tax rate on capital income is zero [...] To see why this is so, consider twin brothers who each make $100,000 in wage income. Most people would regard these two people as equally well off, even if one freely chose to consume his income now, while the other chose to consume later. But not advocates of the income tax. They insist the more patient twin brother is 'richer' and deserves to be taxed at a higher income tax rate." Gilles Saint-Paul argues in the same forum that fairness requires that we shouldn't "penalise future consumption relative to current consumption."

In Joanathan Gruber's popular undergraduate textbook Public Finance and Public Policy, the two people are actually Homer Simpson and Ned Flanders!

Consider two individuals, Homer and Ned, who are identical except for their preferences for saving. Both live for two periods, earning $100 in the first period and nothing in the second period. Homer is impatient: he wants to consume his entire income in the first period and nothing in the second period. Ned is more patient; he wants to consume in both periods. Initially, they are both subject to an income tax, which taxes all labor earnings and interest income at 50%.The interest rate earned on savings is 10%. [...]  In present discounted value (PDV) terms, Homer pays only $50 in taxes across both periods, but Ned pays $51.11. Thus, savers such as Ned are penalized in an income tax regime.This tax treatment of savings is both horizontally inequitable (because Ned is taxed more simply for making a different choice) and inefficient because it may reduce the incentive to save (because savings leads to higher tax payments).

Let's stick with Homer and Ned. Is this fairness argument against the "inequitable" treatment of Ned either impressive or conclusive? I'd argue no. I'm going to rely on arguments from Barbara Fried's excellent "Fairness and the Consumption Tax" for the following to identify some problems, and I'd recommend her essay if you are interested in learning more.

The first issue is the assumption that Homer and Ned should pay in accordance with their consumption, or that equal spenders should have equal tax burdens, or, technically, that the present value of their tax burdens should be identical. This presupposes what is up for debate, which is what the appropriate tax base is. If the tax base is explicit wealth, then income from savings should also be taxed. There are significant advantages to owning wealth, including security, peace of mind, power, the ability to direct private investment, political control, and much more. It isn't clear why these shouldn't be part of the tax base.

A second issue is that it assumes that all income from savings is the result of delayed compensation, when much of it doesn't even come from the individuals themselves. We don't know how much of the United States' capital stock comes from the gifts, bequests, or inheritance that constitute intergenerational transfer, though averages of studies say about 50 percent. Fairness arguments become a lot more complicated here.
 
A third issue is the assumption that, since Homer and Ned are equally ranked in well-being in a no-tax world, they should be equally ranked after any tax comes into play. This equal ranking is the engine behind a lot of the fairness arguments -- as Gruber says, we don't want to penalize Ned for "making a different choice." Since a tax on savings would fall on Ned the Saver but not Homer the Spender, they would no longer be equally ranked, as Homer would end up better off than Ned with an income tax. It isn't clear how much savers would be disadvantaged relative to spenders, as some of that tax will fall to borrowers. But the general point remains.
 
But even granting this, a new question arises: why do we care about maintaining equal ranking from a "no-tax" world, and why would it be unfair to change it? This is only a claim to fairness if Homer and Ned, or savers and spenders more generally, have a claim to their relative ranking in a "no-tax" world. It's not clear that they do. They certainly don't under an entitlement theory, as the value the saver gets in this example is just the random quirk of his or her preference structure. It also presumes that the ranking in a "no-tax" world was just in-and-of-itself and thus worth preserving, which requires a lot of libertarian heavy lifting.
 
It also presumes a myth of ownership, or the idea that you can conceptualize the economy without the government or that tax policy isn't just one of many ways that the government affects interest rates. Sumner and Yglesias, for instance, believe the Federal Reserve should do some major things to raise nominal GDP, which would have a dramatic effect on the relative ranking of savers and spenders compared to a non-Federal Reserve world. How are they any different from this tax policy, other than the fact that they justify it within a larger set of social institutions, especially ones that produce the patterned world of full employment?
 
fourth thing to consider is the issue of generalizing this critique to other examples. Another way of reading the fairness issue in the example is that since both Homer and Ned start off equal, and had equal capability to generate wealth, they should have an equal tax burden, akin to an endowment or faculty tax.
 
If a tax on savings is removed, taxes on wages would have to go up. Now imagine that, in addition to Homer and Ned, there's Barney at time zero. Barney hates working but loves leisure, so he doesn't work at all but enjoys just as much utility as Homer and Ned when they consume their net present value of $100. Raising taxes on wages leaves Homer and Ned equally well off but punishes them both relative to Barney. Should taxes on wages therefore be set to maintain their ordering? Would we have to abolish taxes on consumption then? If so, then it isn't clear we can have a coherent tax policy period.
 
But we could have a coherent tax policy, especially if we focus on what kind of economy we want to build and use tax policy as one of many levers, working in concert with all the others, to create it.
 
Follow or contact the Rortybomb blog:
  
 
 
Simpsons images used without permission from 20th Century Fox.

Share This

Pages