Daily Digest - April 3: Once Upon a Time There Was No Safety Net

Apr 3, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

Click here to receive the Daily Digest via email.

Faith in Values: The Conservative Fairy Tale About Government (CAP)

Click here to receive the Daily Digest via email.

Faith in Values: The Conservative Fairy Tale About Government (CAP)

Sally Steenland draws on Roosevelt Institute Fellow Mike Konczal's argument against "the voluntarism fantasy" to argue for the strength of the progressive narrative, in which government and private entities work together to help society.

  • Roosevelt Take: Mike debunked the idea that private charity could take the place of government in fighting poverty in Democracy Journal.

The Supreme Court’s Ideology: More Money, Less Voting (The Nation)

Connecting the dots between yesterday's decision in McCutcheon v. FEC and other recent decisions on voting and campaign finance, Ari Berman says that the same groups are favoring secret money and voting restriction.

  • Roosevelt Take: Jeff Raines, Chair of the Student Board of Advisors for Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network, argued in October that McCutcheon was really about how much influence we allow the wealthiest Americans to have over our elected officials.

Will Disclosure Save Us From the Corrupting Influence of Big Money? (TAP)

Paul Waldman raises the question of whether campaign finance disclosure is enough to limit political corruption, because he thinks the courts could one day use disclosure as justification to eliminate all contribution limits.

Are The Views Of America's Wealthiest Undermining Democracy? (Forbes)

A new study on the opinions of the top 0.1 percent of Americans shows that they hold substantially different political views, and their high rate of campaign contributions may mean those views get more attention from policymakers.

A Union Aims at Pittsburgh’s Biggest Employer (NYT)

Steven Greenhouse reports on the Service Employees International Union's efforts to unionize the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center, where workers say great benefits don't matter when they can't afford the health insurance.

New on Next New Deal

Labor Law that That Would Support Organizing in Today’s Economy

In the fifth piece in his series on his new report on labor reform, Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Richard Kirsch begins to lay out some of the possible ways to strengthen labor laws.

Taking on Big Business Wage Theft

Harmony Goldberg, the Program Manager for the Roosevelt Institute's Future of Work Initiative, argues that government needs to strengthen enforcement and change laws so that workers aren't forced to sue in order to get their fair wages.

Share This

In Seattle, Calls for a Higher Minimum Wage are Calls for Democracy

Mar 28, 2014Felicia Wong

Roosevelt Institute President and CEO Felicia Wong spoke yesterday at the Income Inequality Symposium in Seattle, where she gave the closing remarks, calling on our memories of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal to urge Seattle into action on raising the minimum wage. Her prepared remarks are below.

Roosevelt Institute President and CEO Felicia Wong spoke yesterday at the Income Inequality Symposium in Seattle, where she gave the closing remarks, calling on our memories of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal to urge Seattle into action on raising the minimum wage. Her prepared remarks are below.

Thank you so much, Mayor Murray, David Rolf from SEIU 775NW, Howard Wright, and all of you who have served on the Mayor’s Task Force or spent so much of your time fighting for economic growth and economic justice.

Today – we feel like a nation at the crossroads, on the brink.  But let’s remember: we’ve been here before. The story is familiar. Poverty and income inequality are on the rise throughout the United States. Even if you’re fortunate enough to have a job, you’re struggling to make ends meet. Meanwhile, a select few do very, very well for themselves. The President, facing a critical midterm election, addresses the nation. Raise standards for workers, he says, and he calls for laws to raise the national minimum wage, too.

I’m talking about 1938, when the President was Franklin Delano Roosevelt. When FDR took office, there was no federal law guaranteeing a minimum wage for American workers – and in fact throughout the 1930s the President battled a recalcitrant and conservative Supreme Court, and conservative business establishment, on behalf of workers. In his 1938 address to Congress, FDR said such a law was long overdue. He said it was morally unacceptable and economically unsustainable for so many people in the United States to earn poverty wages. To quote Roosevelt: “Aside from the undoubted fact that the people thereby suffer great human hardship, they are unable to buy adequate food and shelter, to maintain health, or to buy their share of manufactured goods.”

That’s the key. FDR understood that the minimum wage was an issue for our hearts and for our wallets. Again and again, he returned to the point that businesses could not thrive unless workers did. Without workers, an economy cannot grow.

It was a tough fight, and FDR didn’t go it alone. He had what he called his Brains Trust -- lawmakers, academics, activists, and business leaders. Their job was to figure out economic policies under which everyone could prosper. FDR went to Congress with their proposals. The result: the Fair Labor Standards Act, a keystone of the New Deal, along with the Social Security Act. With the FLSA we got a federal minimum wage as well as the 40-hour workweek and standards for overtime pay. These underlie modern labor policy.  These are issues that are hotly debated even today.

As we’ve seen over the course of this day’s symposium, fixing our country’s inequality and wage problems will – once again – need the good ideas and expertise of a brain trust. We have been fortunate to hear from important partners such as Maud Daudon from the Chamber of Commerce, Saru Jayaraman from Restaurant Opportunities Center - United, and leaders from other cities such as Supervisor John Avalos from my hometown of San Francisco and Wilson Goode from Philadelphia.  Innovation is a team sport. FDR understood this, and so does Mayor Murray.

I work at the Roosevelt Institute in New York City.  And I am here today because Seattle is at the center of the nation’s most important fight.  

At Roosevelt, we think of ourselves as an ideas and leadership shop. I won’t claim that we ask ourselves “What Would FDR Do?” in every situation. But we certainly try to capture his spirit of innovation and collaboration in our work. We support public intellectuals like Dorian Warren, whom you’ve heard from today, and Mike Konczal, Joe Stiglitz, Annette Bernhardt, Richard Kirsch, and others. They plunge into all facets of the inequality problem – which President Obama has rightly called the defining problem of our time.  They envision solutions, including a new labor agenda for the 21st century.  This includes raising the minimum wage and providing paid sick leave, and also includes new standards for the right to organize, the enforcement of labor laws, and strategies to combat labor market segregation by race and gender.  At Roosevelt we also support some 10,000 undergraduates across the U.S. who dig in deep in their local communities – designing and fighting for policy solutions at the city level.

We at the Roosevelt Institute believe – as does everyone here – that we all do better when we all do better. But: wages have been backsliding for decades now. The typical American family makes less today than it did 25 years ago. I know we have heard a lot of statistics today, and they can seem overwhelming, but consider this for just a moment: 16 million children live in homes where their families are not sure where the next meal is coming from. Five years after the Great Recession officially ended, there are still three times as many Americans looking for work as there are job openings. And, as we’ve discussed today, new jobs aren’t good jobs.  The most recent BLS statistics forecast a low-wage trajectory through at least 2020.  Only one of the 20 occupations expected to add new jobs requires a college degree, and most of the kinds of jobs we will be creating offer low or moderate pay.

From FDR to President Obama to each and every one of us here today, whether right or left or center: we can all agree that no one should work a full-time job and worry about putting food on the table for their family.  

But this is not just about morality, not just about the “we should” and the “we shouldn’t.”  This is about economic fundamentals. When people can’t even buy groceries at the end of the month, they can’t do all of the things – go to a baseball game, go to dinner at a restaurant – that drive economic growth and make our towns and cities strong.

Now, consider the other half of the coin: times are not tough for everyone. In 2012 alone, the richest 1 percent of Americans took home more than 20 percent of all income – one of their biggest hauls since the Gilded Age. Corporate profits are at record levels, and corporations are sitting on huge cash reserves. Many will tell us that corporations and wealthy owners are the job creators, the engines of the economy.  Now, none of us begrudge real success. But the question is, if they’re doing so well, why isn’t the rest of the economy doing better?

And the answer is clear: As FDR once argued, the people – middle class, working families – are the real job creators. These aren’t just strangers, or statistics. I’m talking about our friends and family and co-workers. I’m talking about us. As more and more Americans struggle to keep up - businesses can’t function.  Companies need customers, people to spend money on those products and services. That’s why holding down wages is more than just unfair. It’s also bad economics.

Let me take a minute to tackle the arguments on the other side: that raising the minimum wage will cause unemployment, business flight, or higher prices.  But empirical research looking at decades of data – much of which we have heard today – shows that on balance raising wages has little or no negative employment effects, and in fact there is significant evidence to show that businesses – and cities and towns – flourish with higher wages, rather than lower.

This also should make sense to any of us who manage other people. Making decisions to pay employees enough so they aren’t stressed in the rest of their lives makes good business sense, and good common sense.

And, we are learning from very recent research.  I will cite just two important pieces.  The first is a massive study of 200 years of capital accumulation, incomes, and growth just published here in the United States.  The research suggests the problem is very big, and in fact lies in the structure of today’s entire global economy. Too much capital is concentrated in the hands of too few, and the global economy has gone awry.

The second piece is a recent IMF study of inequality and growth in hundreds of countries showing that many equality-enhancing redistributive policies – higher taxes, more public investment – can increase growth. Win-wins are possible.  

So these findings should give us courage. And should push us to act – because recalibrating the minimum wage is one very big step towards fixing the broken economic system and promoting growth in ways that will work for everyone.

Let me be clear: raising the minimum wage isn’t anti-democratic, isn’t anti-capitalist, isn’t anti-free market.  FDR saved capitalism from itself.  That is what you are trying to do here today.

It’s no surprise that we’re having this conversation in Seattle. Your city is a great hub of American business and social innovation. This city has brought to life trends and technologies, from Starbucks coffee to Excel spreadsheets, which revolutionize the way we live. And you in Seattle know that people are at the center of that innovation. Companies like Costco have built their business models on paying decent wages and benefits, retaining valued employees, and fostering strong communities.

It’s not a top-down, trickle-down proposition. Economies grow, as our friend Nick Hanauer said this morning, from the middle out.  You have seen it work in Seattle, and that’s why Seattle is the right incubator for the sound labor policies that will shape the American economy of the future.

By voting for a 15 dollar an hour wage floor, Seattle can move the entire region’s economy forward.  You can also set the trend for the whole country – in addition to possible federal legislation, at least eight states are considering minimum wage increases this year. You can show all of us how to build the kind of economy that grows, that is stable, and that spreads prosperity broadly.  It is a virtuous cycle.  

If adopted nationwide, the Economic Policy Institute estimates that the raise in the minimum wage proposed by President Obama could affect more than 28 million people and lift many of them out of poverty. 28 million people. At a time when the American Dream of opportunity for all is rapidly fading, those are 28 million reasons to support this proposal.

Beyond the potential economic impact, this policy would show what government can achieve when it responds to the needs of working families. As Justice Louis Brandeis once said, “We can have democracy in this country, or we can have great wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can’t have both.” Individual companies, as great as they are, can’t do this alone.  Our fates are linked, and we have to act together.  By raising the minimum wage to fifteen-dollars-an-hour, Seattle can choose democracy and start to reverse the trends that have been crushing the middle class.

Let me close by urging the members of Seattle’s City Council to approve the 15 dollar an hour minimum wage. And as FDR told his own supporters, it is up to all of us to make them do it. A lot has changed about our country since the days of the New Deal, but one thing remains the same: Progress is possible when we commit to it and fight for it. Now is the time for us to decide what kind of economy, what kind of government, and what kind of future we want for ourselves. Now is the time for Seattle to lead the way. Thank you.

Felicia Wong is President and CEO of the Roosevelt Institute.


Share This

Daily Digest - March 18: Society Doesn't Work on a Volunteer Basis

Mar 18, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

Click here to receive the Daily Digest via email.

The Voluntarism Fantasy (Democracy Journal)

Roosevelt Institute Fellow Mike Konczal looks to the history of public and private social insurance in the U.S. to explain why the conservative belief that private charity could take the place of government is deeply misguided.

Click here to receive the Daily Digest via email.

The Voluntarism Fantasy (Democracy Journal)

Roosevelt Institute Fellow Mike Konczal looks to the history of public and private social insurance in the U.S. to explain why the conservative belief that private charity could take the place of government is deeply misguided.

In City's Job Growth, Faces of the Working Poor (WNYC)

New York City now has 237,000 more jobs than it did before the recession, reports Mirela Iverac, but too many of those jobs aren't paying enough to live on.

Hunger Crisis: Charities are Strained as Nearly 1 in 5 New Yorkers Depend on Aid for Food (NY Daily News)

Over five years, the number of people relying on food aid has increased by 200,000, and Barry Paddock and Ginger Adams Otis report that charities have seen even more need since November's food stamp cuts.

Low-Wage Workers Are Finding Poverty Harder to Escape (NYT)

Steven Greenhouse reports on the lives of the working poor in Chattanooga, Tennessee, where workers with many years of experience can still make only $9 per hour.

Inside Low-Wage Workers’ Plan to Sue McDonald’s — and Win (MSNBC)

Timothy Noah explains that these workers are targeting the franchise system, arguing that McDonald's as a corporation created the conditions that led to wage theft, not just the franchise owners.

New on Next New Deal

Florida Election Shows Danger and Promise in Obamacare Debate

Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Richard Kirsch says polling from the recent special election for Florida's 13th congressional district shows that standing up to "keep and fix" Obamacare is a path for Democratic success.

The Progressive Budget Reminds Us That Government Can Create Jobs

The Congressional Progressive Caucus's budget is a reminder that an aggressive approach is still needed to push job growth, writes Nell Abernathy, Program Manager for the Bernard L. Schwartz Rediscovering Government Initiative.

Share This

Daily Digest - March 13: What Sets Liberals Apart?

Mar 13, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

Click here to receive the Daily Digest via email.

An Incoherent Harper's Essay Suggests There's No Difference Between Obama and Republicans (TNR)

Click here to receive the Daily Digest via email.

An Incoherent Harper's Essay Suggests There's No Difference Between Obama and Republicans (TNR)

Roosevelt Institute Fellow Mike Konczal responds to Adolph Reed's piece on the exhaustion of liberals, arguing that the issues that drive liberals and the outcomes they seek easily distinguish them from conservatives.

The Inequality Puzzle (TAP)

Robert Kuttner asks how it's possible that intergenerational economic mobility has remained flat over the past 30 years rather than declining, and whether that fact is really worth celebrating.

What Talent Shortage? The Great American Brain Waste of Our Captive Labor Market (Pacific Standard)

Jim Russell sees an easy solution to any lack of skilled labor: policies, at work and in politics, that are more supportive of the groups whose talents are being wasted, namely women and immigrants.

My Life as a Retail Worker: Nasty, Brutish, and Poor (The Atlantic)

Joseph Williams writes about his experiences working at a sporting goods store after losing his job in journalism. He got first-hand experience in retail's wage theft and surveillance practices.

New on Next New Deal

The Progressive Caucus Budget Makes the Right Decisions

The budget shows that the country can afford to properly invest in job creation and achieve faster growth, says Roosevelt Institute Senior Fellow Jeff Madrick, Director of the Bernard L. Schwartz Rediscovering Government Initiative.

Quits Won't Tell Us Anything About the True Unemployment Rate (Vacancy Chains 1/2)

Mike Konczal argues that the interesting data from the quits rate is already represented in wage growth and the number of job openings relative to unemployment. We should be watching that data anyway.

Share This

The Progressive Caucus Budget Makes the Right Decisions

Mar 12, 2014Jeff Madrick

The "Better Off Budget" is the only budget proposal in Congress that really places people's needs ahead of political compromise.

The "Better Off Budget" is the only budget proposal in Congress that really places people's needs ahead of political compromise.

The Congressional Progressive Caucus has issued its annual budget and it is in different ways the antithesis of what both the Republicans and Democrats are offering. The Caucus calls it the “Better Off Budget," and it puts its money where its mouth is. Thank goodness they’ve issued it, because it puts in perspective how much is actually within our nation’s reach. It is aimed right where it should be: at creating jobs. The budget acknowledges that our jobs crisis is far from over (I’d call it the jobs emergency budget, of course). And it rightly says we can solve our problems.

The proposals errs slightly on the side of economic optimism, but that is as it should be. It stands in contrast to the modest improvements in social policy proposed by the Democrats, which won’t get unemployment down to 5 percent in the foreseeable future, and to the insensitive regression proposed by Paul Ryan and the Republicans. Those proposals are all politics, with little caring about the people’s thirst for jobs and opportunity. The progressives toss political compromise aside to do the right thing.

Their proposed budget does a lot of good in a lot of areas. It refuses to reduce entitlements; it provides a middle class tax break; it raises income tax rates on the wealthy; it provides a lot of money for infrastructure investment. I could go on.

But in this brief analysis I want to focus on the question of how much stimulus the economy can stand, which is really a question about how much slack there is in the economy. Conventional analyses say that slack—the potential to grow—has fallen. It’s mostly not because the economy is growing and catching up with its potential. The reason is that people are dropping out of the work force, maybe for good. They are losing skills. Some are retiring or getting close to retirement. Capital investment has been okay, but it has been far from stellar and therefore not likely to create exciting new products and industries that also increase productivity.

If the potential is not as high as typical economists, including the Congressional Budget Office, thought just a couple of years ago, we can’t push the economy up as fast as we might like, they argue.

The irony is that potential is down, as conventional economists measure it, because of the Great Recession and historically slow recovery, not because of a structural change in the economy. In particular, labor productivity growth is not very good. Total factor productivity, which (allegedly) measures the productivity of capital and labor combined, is somewhat stronger by historical comparison. I say allegedly because total factor productivity is a pretty flaky number.

Now, there is a pretty good relationship between how fast demand is growing and productivity growth, both labor and total factor productivity. In any case, if the potential of the economy is reduced because growth is slower, people can’t get jobs, and investment in research is far from hot—well, then potential would likely rise if we got the economy growing rapidly again. There is good theory, partly Keynesian but also something called Verdoorn’s Law, to suggest this could well be the case. 

So, in sum, that’s what this debate turns on. Will stimulus bump up against a genuine GDP ceiling and cause inflation, or is that ceiling only an artificial one based on recent data generated in a very slow economic recovery? I’d argue the CBO analysis and that of others is proposing an artificial ceiling. We can growth much faster, and we can get unemployment down to 5 percent. More demand can and often has led to faster productivity growth and more aggressive capital investment.

That’s what the Progressive Caucus Budget is all about. The nation can afford a decent social safety net and adequate investment in its future, and can get five to 10 million more people working again. If the progressives’ budget overstates the possibilities, it is not by much. 

Jeff Madrick is a Senior Fellow at the Roosevelt Institute and Director of the Bernard L. Schwartz Rediscovering Government Initiative.


Image via Thinkstock

Share This

Prevention Over Punishment: The Push to Reduce Gun Violence in Chicago

Mar 4, 2014Janaè BonsuJohnaè Strong

Chicago should seek new methods of violence prevention that strengthen neighborhoods and focus on healing, because these methods are more effective and more cost-effective.

Chicago should seek new methods of violence prevention that strengthen neighborhoods and focus on healing, because these methods are more effective and more cost-effective.

It’s no secret that gun violence has long been a major problem in Chicago. An astronomical number of lives have been lost, the social fabric of communities has been compromised, and as a result, both morgues and prisons have continued to fill up. That gun violence is a problem is something on which everyone – liberals and conservatives alike – can agree. The grounds get muddy, however, in identifying and implementing an effective solution.

Mayor Rahm Emanuel and his administration have been pushing for a more “tough on crime” strategy to reduce gun violence in Chicago, with mandatory minimum sentencing for illegal gun possession. The original proposed Senate Bill 1342 (now House Bill 5672) included a minimum sentence of one to three years for any person caught with an illegal weapon. ‘Gang affiliation’ – which is determined at the discretion of a judge – would lead to an escalated minimum. In addition, there are currently five new bills (HB 3770 - 3774) that have been introduced by Rep. Michael J. Zalewski (D) to the Illinois General Assembly that may very well have been drafted and introduced with good intentions to deter gun violence and other crime, and keep those who engage in it off of the street. However, components of the House package are unduly punitive. For example, HB 3770 raises the Unlawful Use of a Weapon (UUW) charge to an Aggravated UUW for an individual who has committed a forcible felony as a juvenile. Thus, instead of facing a misdemeanor charge with up to one year of jail time, a defendant faces a class 4 felony that carries a sentence of up to three years of prison time, plus a fine of up to $25,000, because of a crime committed in their youth. Taken together, HB 5672 and similar legislation pose a mirrored threat that will disproportionately affect communities of color and further depress local and state budgets by funneling much needed resources into the city jails and state prisons.

A substantial body of research shows that mandatory minimums have little to no effect on crime, which even its proponents seem to accept: they expect these laws to reduce arrest rates for violent crime by only 0.6%. Aside from that, more incarceration could produce more problems than it actually solves. Many Chicago communities of color grapple with high unemployment and neighborhood instability. More incarceration would further exacerbate these issues at a steep price. In Illinois, if mandatory minimum legislation such as HB 5672 does pass, it will likely cost Illinois close to $2 billion over 10 years, and add to an overcrowded prison system. And more money for “corrections” leaves less for interventions that actually work.

In Chicago, community members and activist organizations that are no longer willing to watch the silent war against minority communities are contesting these bills through direct action campaigns and policy advocacy. These organizations include, but are not limited to the Black Youth Project 100 (BYP100), Community Renewal Society, and Project Nia. Mirroring the progressive direction of the Obama Administration and other politicians including Senators Patrick Leahy (D-VT) and Rand Paul (R-KY) by moving away from mandatory minimums, these organizations are advocating for funds allocated to subtractive policies to instead be used for empirically based preventative solutions to violence in Chicago communities. Two major initiatives in the works to prevent violence are 1) the expansion of youth employment in communities especially affected by violence as a preventive measure and 2) the implementation of restorative justice peace hubs as an alternative to incarceration.

BYP100 and Project Nia are working towards proposing a youth jobs bill that may look similar to the National Youth Administration (part of the Works Progress Administration during the New Deal). The bill will focus on scaling up existing employment and training programs that have been proven effective such as One Summer Chicago Plus as well as dropout and violence prevention programs such as Becoming A Man (BAM). The bill will push for the reallocation of resources to help communities most impacted by violence implement various proven and promising employment and mentoring interventions across the entire state of Illinois. These programs reduce gun violence and strengthen communities economically and socially.

In addition to the push for youth employment, Community Renewal Society is currently spearheading the Reclaim Campaign, an initiative that urges the Cook County justice system to fund community based restorative justice hubs and mental health and drug rehabilitation programs through money saved from the release of Cook County nonviolent detainees. The campaign advocates alleviating jail overcrowding and reversing the trend of warehousing individuals who pose little threat to public safety by relying more on release with personal recognizance and electronic monitoring. Less bodies in the jails can free up dollars to fund the peace hubs, which are proposed to act as a coordinating referral center in the community where offenders, victims of crime, family members, and other impacted residents can appropriately handle conflict without further violence. The restorative justice approach offers a promising alternative to retributive justice that we have seen fail us for decades.

These solutions outline a need for economically just measures and attention to community healing and restoration over imprisonment. Most importantly, these solutions begin by looking within the community and empower people to change the policies governing their homes and neighborhoods, which is the best way to achieve real social change.

Janaè Bonsu is a Lead Coordinator for the Chicago City Network of Roosevelt Institute | Pipeline and a Master’s student at the University of Chicago’s School of Social Service Administration.

Johnaè Strong is a Master’s student in the University of Chicago Urban Teacher Education Program (UTEP) and Lead Facilitator of the Chicago City Network of Roosevelt Institute | Pipeline. 

Share This

Beyond Black History Month: A Roosevelt Institute Reading and Viewing Guide

Feb 28, 2014Roosevelt Institute

Black History Month is coming to a close, but the need for discussion and reflection on the impact of race in American life continues. We’ve asked people from across the Roosevelt Institute to provide their suggestions on books, films, poems, and articles to keep the conversation going into March and beyond.

Felicia Wong, President & CEO, Roosevelt Institute

Black History Month is coming to a close, but the need for discussion and reflection on the impact of race in American life continues. We’ve asked people from across the Roosevelt Institute to provide their suggestions on books, films, poems, and articles to keep the conversation going into March and beyond.

Felicia Wong, President & CEO, Roosevelt Institute

Walking with the Wind: A Memoir of the Movement, A lyrical, personal, heartfelt memoir of the Civil Rights Movement's origins, tensions, and triumphs, from John Lewis, one of its greatest heroes and a Roosevelt Institute Freedom of Speech laureate (1999).

The Men We Reaped. A recent memoir by National Book Award-winning novelist Jesmyn Ward, The Men We Reaped tells Ward's own story, and the story of being young and black in the rural south, by recounting the lives and deaths of four young black men - Ward's brother, cousins, friends - in DeLisle, Mississippi. 

Etana Jacobi, Training Strategist, Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network

One Drop: My Father’s Hidden Life – A Story of Race and Family Secrets, an excellent read that explores passing, racial identity, and familial ties through a well-written and entertaining story of the author's discovery of her father's secret black roots in her white Connecticut world.

David Palmer, VP and National Director, Four Freedoms Center, Roosevelt Institute

Roots: The Saga of an American Family, by Alex Haley. This book gave me a deep -- and valuable -- sense that so many black people in America today carry an incredible family history of survival in the face of unimaginable hardship, and that slavery wasn't so long ago.

Malcolm X, A Life of Reinvention, by Manning Marable, for those who have read Haley’s The Autobiography of Malcolm X and want more.

Joelle Gamble, National Field Strategist, Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network

A Dream Deferred,” by Langston Hughes, and “On the Killing of Jordan Davis by Michael Dunn,” by Ta-Nehisi Coates.

In celebrating Black History Month, it is critical to not only celebrate our past struggles but also to reflect on them in the context of our current ones. Hughes comments on the difficult-to-obtain aspirations of oppressed people: aspirations of human dignity, fair treatment, genuine opportunity, and so on. Coates highlights poignantly in his piece just how far away from reality those aspirations still are. In U.S. society, there is still a gross undervaluation of black life.

Dante Barry, Engagement Editor, Roosevelt Institute

Obama Will Announce Initiative to Empower Young Black Men. This new initiative launched by the White House and President Obama critically looks at some of the social and economic systemic challenges affecting young men of color. The school to prison pipeline is a system in which contributes to the disproportionate rate of Blacks and Latinos incarcerated every year. This is an important new project but we must also recognize how the system also disproportionately affect women and trans* people of color.   

Freedom Summer: The Savage Season of 1964, by Bruce Watson. This is a thrilling story about a chapter in the 1960s civil rights movement where 700+ young people came to a segegrated Mississippi to register Black voters and educate Black children. On the very first night, three Freedom Summer volunteers disappeared and thought to have been murdered by the Ku Klux Klan. The Freedom Summer Project of 1964, organized by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, still remains a defining moment in our history for the struggle against domination and oppression.

Winston Lofton, National Leadership Strategist, Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network

Eyes on the Prize. The Civil Rights Movement is a formative period in the Black Freedom Struggle in the United States and has a lot to teach all of us about what it takes to strengthen democracy. Eyes on the Prize is a compelling and comprehensive look at the movement, and is a perfect entry point for anyone interested in the Black American experience in the mid-20th Century.

Black Power Mixtape. Black Power Mixtape provides a rousing portrait of another interesting period in Black history, the early post-Civil Rights period of 1967-1975.  It's a really fascinating amalgamation of perspectives, from those of the Swedish journalists who first shot the footage to the Black leaders whose speeches and interviews are featured in the film in their own words, to the current-day Black leaders from Erykah Badu to Danny Glover who helped bring about and shaped the film. 

Rachelle Olden, National Director, Roosevelt Institute | Pipeline

The Mis-Education of the Negro“No man knows what he can do until he tries.” This book emphasizes the instruction, research and writing of Black History. Though published in 1933, it still has meaning and direct implications for today's consideration. 

Too Poor for Pop Culture. This article is a creative and real look into the lives of real people affected by poverty and broken systems. The story highlights how communities take care of each other and see passed each other hardships and flaws. Pop culture serves no purpose in their lives but is rather a privilege that others enjoy.

Taylor Jo Isenberg, Vice President of Networks, Roosevelt Institute

Americanah by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. Provides insightful and challenging perspectives on race in America from an "outsider" viewpoint along with a powerful and entertaining narrative on love, place, and identity. 

Blood Done Sign My Name by Timothy Tyson. A deeply stirring and troubling story about a small town in 1970s North Carolina that experienced a belated Civil Rights Movement forged by murder, upheaval, and a painful history. 

Rachel Goldfarb, Communications Associate, Roosevelt Institute

"Whitewashing Reproductive Rights: How Black Activists Get Erased." Renee Bracy Sherman’s article calls out the ways that black support of abortion has been erased over the years, pointing out how reproductive freedom and reproductive justice have been key elements of revolutionary politics from slavery to today. 

Share This

In Campus Network’s Summer Academy, Students Learn What Good Work Really Looks Like

Feb 20, 2014Jeffrey RainesJoe Swanson

Jeff Raines and Joe Swanson participated in the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network’s Summer Academy program in DC in 2011 and NYC in 2012 respectively. They reflect on why they chose Summer Academy, and how it’s helped to shape their college experiences and career goals.

Jeff Raines and Joe Swanson participated in the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network’s Summer Academy program in DC in 2011 and NYC in 2012 respectively. They reflect on why they chose Summer Academy, and how it’s helped to shape their college experiences and career goals.

Jeff: I wanted to spend my first summer internship doing something meaningful. And going to school in DC, I knew there were a lot of options, but not as many real opportunities. After all the hype I heard from older members of the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network, I applied to the Summer Academy because I thought the program would give me more than coffee runs and copy machines all summer. And it did.

I worked in the DC office of the Roosevelt Institute in the summer of 2011 and spent my nine weeks doing work that directly contributed to the success of the organization’s efforts. I helped coordinate a 100+ leadership summit for Campus Network members and other progressive student leaders, ensuring that had a place to sleep, food to eat, and so on. Anyone familiar with conference planning knows this isn’t a walk in the park, but that’s the point. Whether interns were placed within the Roosevelt Institute or at another participating organization, there were always projects that required real work from the interns. Progressive organizations know that competency and ability don’t come with age. They give Summer Academy interns real responsibility because they want us to have something more solid to say about our experiences. They want us to be able to say we contributed: that we did something.

Jeff Raines, left, and Joe Swanson, right, at the Hyde Park Leadership Summit in August 2013And while there is nothing wrong with occasionally making a coffee run, I don’t think I was ever asked to do so. And I never did find out where that copy machine was. 

The Summer Academy was an environment for me to learn and shine, and the experience has taught me that I must continue to seek out comparable opportunities the rest of my college career. After Summer Academy, why would I accept anything less?

Joe: Like Jeff, I knew that I wanted to do good work and fight the good fight in my first summer internship. My imagination carried me to the inner hallways of the Capitol building, where I would be meeting with staffers and challenging senators. This dream quickly disappeared as I heard my friends recount their internship experiences of monotonous administrative tasks such as picking up phones and filing paperwork. I honestly believed that I would need to reel in my expectations – but then I heard about the Campus Network Summer Academy Fellowship. 

I was accepted to Roosevelt's program in New York City and succeeded Jeff's role in the Campus Network office. I had many of the same responsibilities in the office, including full ownership of the logistical coordination behind Roosevelt's national leadership summit. That was a crash-course in the necessary functions of non-profit organizations. However, the biggest impact the Summer Academy had on me was the day-to-day experiences I shared with other fellows and Roosevelt staff. 

Every Summer Academy Fellow was given the task of writing weekly op-eds and a final policy paper. That meant we spent all day talking about policy, and I was in an office environment that made the use of the word "office" seem wildly inaccurate. The place was basically Disneyland to me. I had to be told to "go home," because my brief question about our perception of citizenship would spark an electric conversation that would last until four in the morning. Roosevelt staff made me feel like a colleague rather than a bottom-rung employee and the Summer Academy Fellows felt like my brothers and sisters both in and out of the office. In the end, the Summer Academy changed my life. Not only do I keep in contact with the amazing people I met, but I have come to love the work we did together. The Fellowship set a foundation, which has fueled my desire to seek a permanent place among those who fight to build a more just world just as I did in New York.

The Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network is accepting applications for the 2014 Summer Academy Fellowship through Tuesday, February 25. For more information about the program and to apply, click here.

Jeff Raines is the Chair of the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network Student Board of Advisors and a senior at American University.

Joe Swanson is the Policy Coordinator for the Southern Region of the Roosevelt Institute | Campus Network and a senior at Wake Forest University.

Share This

Daily Digest - February 11: Raising Wages from Coast to Coast

Feb 11, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

Click here to receive the Daily Digest via email.

The Minimum Wage Fight: From San Francisco to de Blasio’s New York (Reuters)

Mayor de Blasio and others should learn from San Francisco's example when it comes to lifting standards for low-wage workers, write Ken Jacobs and Michael Reich.

Click here to receive the Daily Digest via email.

The Minimum Wage Fight: From San Francisco to de Blasio’s New York (Reuters)

Mayor de Blasio and others should learn from San Francisco's example when it comes to lifting standards for low-wage workers, write Ken Jacobs and Michael Reich.

Horrible Bosses (TAP)

Paul Waldman writes that some employers are blaming the President and his health care policies for benefit cuts and stagnant wages. But workers should know: their bosses are lying.

Labor Battle at Kellogg Plant in Memphis Drags On (NYT)

As the lockout approaches four months, Steven Greenhouse says these workers are determined not to accept a contract that could replace them all with "casuals," or lower-paid temps.

New York AG To Put Heat On Banks for Foreclosed Properties (WSJ)

Eric Schneiderman wants to require banks to take better care of so-called "zombie properties" they've foreclosed on, reports Andrew R. Johnson, and his proposed bill would reduce neighborhood blight.

Obama's Partly to Blame for the Postal Service's Backward Ways (TNR)

Progressive reform, including postal banking, is in reach for the USPS, says David Dayen, if only the president would step up and fill the five empty seats on its Board of Governors.

Support the Student Loan Borrower Bill of Rights (Blog of the Century)

Jill Silos-Rooney says Senator Warren's proposal bets that college grads who have fewer struggles with debt will be better for the economy than government profits on student loans.

House GOP Rolls Dice on Debt Limit (Politico)

Jake Sherman and Ginger Gibson report on the GOP's plan to pass a debt ceiling increase by tying it to fixing military benefit cuts. That probably won't sway Democrats from a clean bill.

Share This

Daily Digest - February 10: When the Personal Becomes Political

Feb 10, 2014Rachel Goldfarb

Click here to receive the Daily Digest via email.

Turning Personal Tragedy Into Activism (Melissa Harris-Perry)

Click here to receive the Daily Digest via email.

Turning Personal Tragedy Into Activism (Melissa Harris-Perry)

Roosevelt Institute Fellow Dorian Warren discusses how tragedies like the deaths of Trayvon Martin and Jordan Davis have pushed so many to take part in activism. He uses the public pressure to cancel George Zimmerman's celebrity boxing match as a prime example.

Sex Workers' Rights are Just Workers Rights (WaPo)

Roosevelt Institute Fellow Mike Konczal considers the policy arguments on sex work presented in Melissa Gira Grant's new book, Playing the Whore. He sees the need to conceptualize sex work as labor as the most important takeaway, regardless of individual opinions on that labor.

Liberals Should Question Obama’s ‘Opportunity Agenda’ (AJAM)

Mike Konczal argues that shifting the discussion from inequality to opportunity could leave out key items on the progressive agenda. If opportunity isn't defined beyond legal equality of opportunity, or if acceptable policy outcomes aren't made clear, the progressive agenda won't advance.

The Case for a Higher Minimum Wage (NYT)

The New York Times editorial board calls for an increased minimum wage, emphasizing its purpose in reducing power imbalances between workers and employers. The accompanying interactive graphic from Jeremy Ashkenas and Bill Marsh shows the insufficiency of $7.25 per hour.

January Jobs Report: Hard to Read (MoJo)

Erika Eichelberger says that the jobs report released on Friday is hard to interpret. Unemployment is at its lowest point in five years, and the labor force participation rate increased slightly, but that could change without an extension of unemployment benefits from Congress.

The Spectacular Myth of Obama's Part-Time America—in 5 Graphs (The Atlantic)

Derek Thompson pulls data on part-time job growth, part-time workers as a share of the labor force, and part-time work for non-economic reasons to demonstrate just how wrong certain slices of the financial media are when they insist that the president is creating a part-time economy.

Obamacare: It's a Net Gain for the Economy (LA Times)

Jonathan Gruber writes that the Congressional Budget Office report shows that the Affordable Care Act in fact creates a more efficient job market in the U.S., by allowing people leave jobs when they want to and increasing job mobility.

Share This