In California, Gay Makes Pay

Jun 18, 2010Joe Lawless

gay-marriage-150Joe Lawless, a junior at the University of Pennsylvania and a Roosevelt Institute summer intern, considers that gay marriage is as much about prosperity as it is equality.

gay-marriage-150Joe Lawless, a junior at the University of Pennsylvania and a Roosevelt Institute summer intern, considers that gay marriage is as much about prosperity as it is equality.

June is the month of blissful nuptials.  An old saying warned, "Marry in May and rue the day," but the warm, comfortable weather of June welcomes the binding of love. June has also brought the closing arguments for Perry v. Schwarzenegger, the landmark same-sex marriage case in the federal court of California.

In early 2008, the California Supreme Court held same-sex marriage to be a constitutionally protected, fundamental right upon review of a group of consolidated cases claiming unequal treatment in the eyes of the law.  Orientation, the Court argued, is an immutable characteristic and not subject to choice.  Suddenly, a binary class system based on sexual orientation appeared to dissolve. The ruling sent a massive wave of energy across the country, electrifying LGBT populations. Notions of "equal protection" finally lost their abstraction and detachment. Gay men and women also celebrated their engagement with society in a fundamentally American way, working for the prosperity of a spouse and a family.

But the celebration soon turned sour. Just a few months later in November, 2008, 52% of the California electorate passed the misguided Proposition 8 (aka, the California Marriage Protection Act), a ballot referendum that denied same-sex couples the right of marriage. I mourned a defeated chance for LGBT individuals to join an institution that had been denied them. In my eyes, what I saw was shockingly un-American.

In light of the Perry v. Schwarzenegger trial, people may have this question in mind -- why is the social institution of marriage so important to the LGBT community anyway?

Well, as a citizen, I like to think that I have the right to pursue the American Dream.  And the prosperity that comes with marriage is part of that dream.

Economic security and marriage share a link.  A recent study from the Pew Research Center found that married couples tend to have higher median incomes that grow more quickly compared to their single counterparts. When two people live together, they tend to combine their incomes and use their money more efficiently.  Marriage encourages the ownership of shared property and can exert pressure on both partners to maintain financial stability. Marriage is both an individual and collective social contract, binding people to responsibilities that, if not met, will elicit shame from fellow members of the community.

Marriage has a special meaning for homosexual people.  Wealth, for good or for bad, is one of the primary expressions of success. For many gay individuals there is a very personal attachment to this metric of success.  To be able to express this prosperity in a concrete way, through a home that is jointly owned, or the first bank account a married couple opens (or filing their federal taxes together? Gasp!), finally means that a ceiling of inequity has been punctured and broken.  It means that gay Americans can share in the dreams that others so value.  To be able to express such a profound commitment as marriage leaves gay men and women with an indelible pride.

When gay couples wed, everyone stands to benefit economically. The chief economist of San Francisco, Edmund Egan (a witness who testified in the Perry trial), noted that San Francisco lost millions in taxable dollars that married same-sex couples had been spending after Prop 8.  Denying marriage continues to drive up hospital bills in the city, as lifelong partners are unable to share medical benefits and offer them to their children.

In a time of recession, we all want to restore prosperity. Why not view gay marriage as part of our recovery?

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Collectively Bargaining for a Better World

May 19, 2010

line-of-american-peopleAccording to Stephen Lerner, it's time for union members to seize the day.

line-of-american-peopleAccording to Stephen Lerner, it's time for union members to seize the day.

"Now is the moment to change collective bargaining practices so you can take a larger role in social movements," writes Stephen Lerner in his article An Injury To All: Going Beyond Collective Bargaining as We Have Known It (full text below as PDF). Lerner wants to shake up the old models of unionization and build upon on the potential of the current economic climate. "This is the time to offer a moral voice for those devastated by the economic crisis," urges Lerner, "and to have the courage and passion to liberate ourselves from the straitjacket of limited expectations."

In this must-read piece, Lerner reminds us that "throughout history, labor's greatest growth and most significant impact has come when labor is part of a broader social movement." When unions began growing in 1935, they pressed for government regulations and programs that ensured the social safety net for themselves and other Americans. He sees a parallel in this today -- a chance for another organized, collective movement toward better business practices, based on the power of workers.

By banding with other unions and groups, Lerner sees the opportunity to transform industries like food processing, banking, trucking and health care. The finance sector, in particular, could benefit from grassroots opposition and reform. "Banks represent the most extreme example of the unsustainable disparity between those on top and the rest of us." By linking deregulation, abuse of workers and consumers, and the economic crash, unions can capitalize (no pun intended) on the current anger and work for "substantive" fixes to the current system.

This sea change in the way unions do business is not just necessary for the general public; it's necessary for the relevance of unions themselves. "If we don't seize the opportunity of the current economic crisis to chart a radically different course -- committing ourselves and our movement to organizing for transformative change -- we will sink into a deserved abyss of irrelevance." So it's time to get to work - the work of social change.

Read full text of An Injury to All as PDF.

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Investing in Human Capital: Women, Work & Family

May 7, 2010June CarboneNaomi Cahn

working-mother 150Investments in human capital, such as a college degree, are giving women greater freedom and stability in the home and workplace. ** DON'T MISS JUNE CARBONE SUNDAY AT 4PM EST ON NPR'S ALL THINGS CONSIDERED.

working-mother 150Investments in human capital, such as a college degree, are giving women greater freedom and stability in the home and workplace. ** DON'T MISS JUNE CARBONE SUNDAY AT 4PM EST ON NPR'S ALL THINGS CONSIDERED.

It is big news that women who go to college, join the workforce, and delay having children don't lose money when later on they do combine work and family. A recent study by researchers from the University of Maryland and UCLA looked at the economics of women who didn't have children until they were over the age of 26, and found that their earnings were comparable to women who had never had children. Earlier studies add that women with a college education are much less likely to opt out of the workforce when they have a baby than are women with less education.

This is great news, unless of course you worry that all these older, ambitious working mothers are shortchanging their children, but this turns out not to be true either. As we show in our book, Red Families v. Blue Families, the college educated, who postpone childrearing until the parents achieve a measure of financial self-sufficiency and emotional maturity, have become more likely to marry and less likely to divorce than the rest of the population, with two-parent families that remain intact, replicating the statistics that existed before no-fault divorce, the pill and legalized abortion.

Perhaps more surprisingly, these mothers spend no less time on childcare than similar mothers of earlier generations -- it's housecare, not childcare that's changed. Indeed, Princeton University sociologist Sara McLanahan observes that "Children who were born to mothers from the most advantaged backgrounds are making substantial gains in resources. Relative to their counterparts 40 years ago, their mothers are more mature and more likely to be working at well-paying jobs. These children were born into stable unions and are spending more time with their fathers."  By contrast, the rest of the country has seen skyrocketing rates of non-marital births, divorce, and single-parent families, magnifying the effects of income inequality on children. And these poorer mothers are the ones more likely to cycle in and out of the workforce, limiting their earnings potential while feeling pressed to adequately care for their children.

How do dual career families manage the juggling act so much better than more traditional families? The well-kept secret is that investments in human capital, in college degrees, specialized training and experience, and workforce stability pay off for employers as well as employees. Employment studies show that the greater a woman's education and experience the more likely she is to work in a flexible labor environment and to live in a state that mandates greater parental leave and other family benefits. Younger, less educated, and less skilled women find that they bring less to the bargaining table in negotiating with their bosses. When they cannot get sufficient maternity leave to manage the second child, they quit. When their children require more after school time, they may find it easier to switch employers than to switch schedules. They are more likely to return to school after their children complete elementary school than before they are born. As a result, they find work-family balance harder to manage than their better off peers - and their children fall farther behind in the share of society's resources they enjoy.

Where are the men in all this? The wage gap that exists between men and women is also true for mothers and fathers. According to Congressional testimony from last month, "women with children earn about 2.5 percent less than women without children, while men with children enjoy an earnings boost of 2.1 percent, compared with men without children." Fathers, however, are spending more time with their children than they once did, and married college educated men have increased that time the most. Well off working women are also getting the most assistance at home.

Third, as we discuss in Red Families v. Blue Families, the essential next step for all families is reconsideration of the relationship between work and family. For blue families, where human capital acquisition precedes family formation, the challenge is to structure the work place to fit in family. For red families, where family formation may come first, the challenge is to restructure the relationship to the workplace to fit in continued human capital acquisition. We must provide better support and policies for family stability and for work. Moreover, one critical area where genuine convergence between the two models might ultimately transform the debate: can we persuade our prototypical red family to delay family formation to the mid-twenties to maximize their children's well-being?

June Carbone is the Edward A. Smith/Missouri Chair of Law, the Constitution and Society at the University of Missouri-Kansas City.

Naomi Cahn is the John Theodore Fey Research Professor of Law at George Washington University Law School. She is the author of numerous books and law review articles on gender and family law. She and Professor June Carbone are the co-authors of Red Families v. Blue Families (Oxford University Press, 2010).

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A Question of Values: The Real Abortion Debate

Apr 8, 2010June CarboneNaomi Cahn

birth-control-pill-150June Carbone and Naomi Cahn champion contraceptives and challenge the frame of the "abortion" debate.

birth-control-pill-150June Carbone and Naomi Cahn champion contraceptives and challenge the frame of the "abortion" debate.

Politicians do not like to talk about sex (especially when they are caught cheating with their wives). They most emphatically do not like talking about women's reproductive needs. Indeed, they dislike talking about contraception so much that every time the issue arises, a determined group in Congress changes the subject to abortion. Abortion, as we know from the health care debate, is about having the right values. Contraception is about women's real needs. It is time we change the subject back.

Over 90% of sexually active women will use contraception at some point in their lives, even if they have sex only with their husbands. In our book, Red Families v. Blue Families, we wrote that the time has come to refocus attention on the relationship between birth control and family values. Impressive research shows that college educated women remade their lives in the sixties and seventies with the advent of the pill, posting marriage, garnering graduate and professional degrees, and dramatically increasing their family income. Other research demonstrates that the women who embraced the new family ethic today have more stable relationships - they are the only group in society whose marriage rates have increased and whose divorce rates have fallen back to the era before no-fault divorce.

For the rest of the country, the disparities in our reproductive lives have grown, and the politicians who talk most frequently about abortion are a major part of the reason.

In the meantime, we all pay for the consequences. The Medicaid program, which is limited to women at or near the poverty line, pays for 40% of all births in the United States. Think about that - 40% of all births in the United States are to women who will have difficulty finding the resources to care for their children. The U.S. has the highest unintended pregnancy rate in the developed world and the rate for the poorest women is four times that of the middle class.

When President Obama proposed a minor measure to address the issue - the extension of contraceptive services to women in the hospital giving birth at government expense - the Republicans objected, and the Administration yanked the proposal from last year's stimulus package without further discussion. Why? The Republicans succeeded in using the term "family planning" to send coded messages to their base. Family planning for them isn't about the needs of 90% of women. No, they want to be seen as opposing anything that might even suggest abortion, or -- for that matter -- approving of the fact that poor women have sex.

It is time to stop the codes. It is time to face the truth. Contraception is not abortion. Supposedly "pro-life" policies that make it harder for women to get effective birth control cause more abortions. Nor is pregnancy an appropriate punishment for sex -- with or without marriage.

We propose a new strategy to make sure women's issues are taken seriously. Every time a member of Congress says the word "abortion," we say, "Where do you stand on preventing unwanted pregnancies?" Every time a politician says he is pro-life, we ask, "Are you for allowing women to exercise responsibility in childbearing?" Every time politicians try to change the subject, we should change it back: we should make members of Congress vote as often on provisions that would help women's lives as they vote on pointless abortion measures that will not the change the outcome of a single pregnancy. Let them either vote for effective birth control or explain, clearly and loudly, that what they really want is pregnancy as the price of intercourse. It is time to talk honestly about sex.

June Carbone is the Edward A. Smith/Missouri Chair of Law, the Constitution and Society at the University of Missouri-Kansas City.

Naomi Cahn is the John Theodore Fey Research Professor of Law at George Washington University Law School. She is the author of numerous books and law review articles on gender and family law. She and Professor June Carbone are the co-authors of Red Families v. Blue Families (Oxford University Press, 2010).

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Investigative Reporting in the 21st Century's Great Recession

Apr 6, 2010Justin Lutz

rsz_2newspaperCould the increasing obsolescence of print lay the foundation for a new era of digital investigative reporting? Justin Lutz, a senior at Sarah Lawrence College, takes a look.

rsz_2newspaperCould the increasing obsolescence of print lay the foundation for a new era of digital investigative reporting? Justin Lutz, a senior at Sarah Lawrence College, takes a look.

**This topic will be discussed today as part of Facing the Fracture: Media and Economic Understanding, a conference sponsored by the Roosevelt Institute at Columbia University.  Participants will explore the pressures of the Great Recession on quality reporting. The role of blogging and online reporting will be the topic of a panel moderated by Roosevelt Fellow and ND20 editor Lynn Parramore.

The rise of digital technology and the Internet has opened up channels of journalistic discourse around the world; the Internet, particularly, has been a definitive tool of free speech in the twenty-first century as networking technologies become more accessible. Not all consequences of the digital revolution are positive, however.

Take the current state of newspapers. The Pew Project for Excellence in Journalism puts together an annual report on the state of the news media, and although their findings paint a less-than-rosy picture for the future of newspapers, they do not succumb to the fatalism that hangs like a cloud over the print industry. Instead, Pew assures us that, "newspapers, contrary to what is frequently alleged, are not dying in droves."

But new technology has had a profound impact on the way that Americans get their news. The Pew Project echoes this, maintaining that "the state of online news heading into 2010 may best be described as a moving target. Digital delivery is now well established as a part of most Americans daily news consumption. Six in ten Americans get some news online in a typical day--and most of these also get news from other media platforms as well."

Newspapers, for the most part, have accommodated the shift from analogue to digital, establishing themselves as credible online publications. But the conventional profit model employed by newspapers is as archaic as the form itself, and cannot simply be transmuted to the online sphere. This has lead many to speculate about new profit models for online publications, including a non-profit model.

Economic survival is the reality for media organizations, and often the drive to meet the bottom line surpasses the drive to provide quality reporting. Deadlines and insubstantial funding often render quality journalism impossible.

The role of the media in a participatory democracy is paramount, and relies on thorough, investigative reporting to maintain an informed electorate. The Center for Investigative Reporting warns that "the only 'business' protected by the Constitution, the business of informing the public, has been eviscerated in recent years. The role that journalism plays in a functioning democracy -- informing the public and holding the powerful accountable -- is at serious risk."  The economic constraints of the media industry have left little room for investigative journalism, but what does the emergence of digital technology and the Internet mean for this crucial genre? Could thorough investigative reporting find a new home on the Internet?

That is the plan for a number of online publications, including the Huffington Post, which has launched an investigative reporting initiative, with impressive work done on a number of economic issues including predatory lending and the mortgage crisis, among others. On the pages of New Deal 2.0, you have seen Eliot Spitzer and William Black have call for a congressional investigation of Lehman's recently-revealed accounting deception, only to be left asking Where's the Follow Up? Sadly, there has been little follow up in the mainstream print publications, and it has been left to bloggers like Naked Capitalism's Yves Smith to pour over the contents of reports and sound the alarm.

With shrinking budgets at top media organizations and a far-from-cohesive blogsophere, meaningful investigative journalism might be elusive, but it is not impossible.  The Internet is opening up investigative initiatives to a wider audience, using its massive reach to ensure its survival. We must utilize emerging technologies as a powerful tool for investigative journalism--if we fail to do so, we might lose our best hope for a more informed twenty-first century.

Justin Lutz is a senior at Sarah Lawrence and a Roosevelt Institute junior fellow.

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Fixing the Fatal Flaw in the System

Apr 5, 2010David Woolner

legacy-lessons-150Roosevelt historian David Woolner shines a light on today’s issues with lessons from the past.

legacy-lessons-150Roosevelt historian David Woolner shines a light on today’s issues with lessons from the past.

In a recent NYT Magazine article on how best to head off the next financial crisis, David Leonhardt suggests that one critical flaw in the current reform proposals before Congress is that they are too nuanced and sophisticated. Leonhardt argues instead for simplicity. "Whatever their imperfections, simple rules," he notes, "have the advantage of sending signals that can outlast a given administration or a given moment in the business cycle." Leonhardt uses the sweeping ideas put forward by FDR as a classic example of this approach. "Roosevelt," he observes, "guaranteed bank deposits, separated commercial banking from investment banking and banned misinformation about stocks." These reforms, which were easy for both the public and the financial sector to understand, helped ensure the stability of the American banking and financial system for decades to come, and while Leonhardt argues that the restoration of the New Deal regulations (largely stripped away in the 1980s and 90s) will not be enough to deal with the current crisis, there is nevertheless something to be said for a return to a more straightforward approach. He then goes on to examine a number of ideas, such as more stringent capital requirements (similar to the standards set in Canada), a tax on banks and other provisions, which might make up the core of a new financial reform package.

Leonhardt's observations make a great deal of sense. But the one element he perhaps overlooks concerns the overarching vision behind FDR's reforms. For Roosevelt, fixing the economy was not enough, what he truly hoped to achieve was a more just and equitable society. When FDR said "the test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little," he meant it. He spent a great deal of his time not only seeking the type economic reforms that might address the plight of those less fortunate among, but also in convincing the American people that they -- and their government -- had a responsibility to do so.

Leonhardt alludes to this when he speaks about "sending signals," and when he discusses the danger in allowing highly leveraged financial firms "to become a dominant part of the economy." This not only leads to the "too big to fail" phenomenon, but also draws in and wastes some of the best minds in the country, who instead of engaging in real work in the real economy, devote their time to what Leonhardt calls "devising ever-more complex means of creating money out of thin air."

Leonhardt also reminds us that the boom that Wall Street enjoyed over the past three decades has not been shared by the rest of the American economy, and that real wage growth during this period for most workers "has been painfully slow." It is his hope that re-regulation will help alleviate this problem by loosening Wall Street's grip on the country's financial and human resources, "so that they may be put to more productive use."

A noble sentiment, to be sure, but given a ten percent unemployment rate and the deep frustration many Americans feel about the state of our country at present -- driven in part by the ever increasing disparity between the super-wealthy and the rest of us -- perhaps it is time for us to take a more Rooseveltian approach. Perhaps the real issue is not simply regulatory reform, but how best to create what FDR sought, a more just and equitable society where the benefits of capitalism are shared by all.

David Woolner is a Senior Fellow and Hyde Park Resident Historian for the Roosevelt Institute.

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The American Economy and the American Dream

Apr 5, 2010Joe Costello

people-150Joe Costello looks at how American workers are being left stranded...literally.

people-150Joe Costello looks at how American workers are being left stranded...literally.

The American economy has undergone tremendous changes over the past several decades. Presently, we are in an acute phase of a chronic condition that has been festering for years. In the past 18 months, trillions of dollars have gone to Wall Street and the mega-banks, while state and local governments continue to slash their budgets, and millions have lost their jobs. The LAT has a must read piece regarding devastating cuts to public transit and their impact, not in LA, but in Georgia. Clayton County is majority black abutting Atlanta. The bus service is going to be canceled, according to the article:

A large number of suburban working poor may now be stranded: A survey of riders in April 2008 found that 65% of them do not have access to a car. In a survey last month, 3 out of 4 said they may lose their jobs when the buses stopped rolling.

Can you imagine people in the US not having a car, and not having a car living in a suburban area? Why don't they have a car? They can't afford it. Why, isn't a car an essential aspect of the last half of the 20th century American Dream? The article further states:

Since 1995, public transportation use is up 31%, more than twice the U.S. population growth rate, according to the American Public Transportation Assn., the nonprofit that represents the nation's commuter systems. Last year, Americans took 10.2 billion public transit trips.

People didn't increase their public transit use out of environmental concern, no, solely for economic reasons. Two years ago, when gasoline was plus $4 a gallon, and with every wisp of news the economy is strengthening the price heads quickly back, public transit use greatly expanded. Thinking we're going to rebuild the auto-industry at 35 mpg is stupid, whether looked at from an environmental, economic, or war and peace perspective. Cutting public transit is the last thing we should be cutting, we should be doing just the opposite, investing more, yet:

In a survey of 151 (public transit) member agencies released Thursday, the association found that about 9 in 10 of them reported flat or decreased local and state funding. Nearly 3 in 5 had already cut service or raised fares.

Understand, when the economy fails tens of millions of people on an essential element like transportation, it is failing grandly. So, when you see all the anger being vented, remember what really underlies it: an American economy that increasingly works for fewer and fewer people. Eldrin Bell, a black Commissioner of Clayton County put it best, "I've lived with racism, But this is a new one -- it's called classism. I've never seen anything like it."

When class becomes permanently entrenched in America, that will truly be the death of the American Dream.

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Breaking the Glass Ceiling

Mar 29, 2010Barbara Arnwine

gender-equality-150To commemorate Women’s History Month, ND20 asked women thought leaders to reflect on past accomplishments and explore today’s key challenges. Barbara Arnwine argues that economic justice is still one of the most pressing legal issues for women -- especially women of color.

gender-equality-150To commemorate Women’s History Month, ND20 asked women thought leaders to reflect on past accomplishments and explore today’s key challenges. Barbara Arnwine argues that economic justice is still one of the most pressing legal issues for women -- especially women of color.

Inspired by the achievements of countless African American women, we march forward, resolute in our mission to achieve equal rights. Sojourner Truth proclaimed, "Ain't I a woman?" as she declared she could work as much as a man. Dr. Dorothy Height has fought for equal rights for African Americans and women for several decades and even encouraged President Lyndon B. Johnson to appoint African American women to positions in government. Later Shirley Chisholm fulfilled this dream and became the first black woman elected to Congress.

But Dr. Maya Angelou asserted, "achievement brings its own anticlimax". Nowhere is this truer than in the lives of women, and especially women of color, as they seek accomplishment in the face of adversity, prominence in the face of marginalization. As a result, economic justice remains as one of the most pressing legal issues for women, as they seek equal job opportunities and equal pay. These burdens are especially present as we incur a great economic recession, which created new challenges for all, but for women of color, tested their ability to navigate economic, social, political and educational status more determinately.

Title VII of the Civil Rights Act directly bans employment discrimination against women and lack of access to equal pay for equal work is a clear violation of Title VII. To justify these practices with specious arguments regarding hours, occupation choice and child rearing choice are offensive. The American Association of University Women Educational Foundation (AAUW) reports that even after "[c]ontrolling for hours, occupation, parenthood and other factors normally associated with pay, college-educated women still earn less than their male peers. Both disparate treatment and disparate impact have been recognized by the courts in evaluating legitimate claims of discrimination.

The problem persists despite supposed advances we have made in societal expectations and structure. Unfortunately, unequal opportunities for women have been historically embraced and are still accepted. Until the early 1960s, newspapers published separate job listings for men and women. The struggle for African American women was even more formidable; until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, jobs specified "no Blacks need apply." Although we don't see as much evidence of such blatant discrimination in access to opportunities in the workplace today, they no doubt, institutionally exist. Women still are segregated into "pink-collar" jobs that affect their wages, according to an AAUW report. Women comprise 87 percent of workers in the child care industry and 86 percent of the health aide industry. Women of color have especially endured a disproportionate lack of access to jobs in the wake of the recession, as the Center for Social Inclusion (CSI) reports that unemployment has risen faster for young women of color than for white women in the same age range. Unemployment among young black women has increased by 8.6 percent to 20.4 percent this year.

Equal access is just the tip of the iceberg; those women lucky enough to break the barrier to employment lag behind in equal pay. According to the Institute for Women's policy research, the median weekly earnings of female full-time workers in 2009 were $657, compared with male median weekly earnings of $819. Based on these data, the ratio of women's to men's median weekly earning was 80.2%. Black single mothers with children under 18 have a median net wealth of zero compared to $7,970 of wealth held by white women with children under the age of 18. This is especially troubling, as women head more than 40 percent of African American families. These wage inequities effect women prospectively as well. Their retirement, Social Security benefits, pensions, savings and other financial resources are all impacted. The Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act, signed into law this year, is a welcome sign of progress, as it allows the statute of limitations for filing an equal-pay lawsuit regarding pay discrimination to reset with each new discriminatory paycheck. Women, however, continue to endure workplace inequity and we must persist in enforcing the call for justice.

Economic justice is not just a women's issue or a moral issue; it's clearly a legal one. As lawyers, we must promote opportunities and equity in the new economy; we must embrace change and not the historical precedence of gender inequities. As women, we must not allow the patronizing excuses used for decades to deny equal opportunity in the workforce to continue to stymie our progress and expectations. Women should seek to make this economy work for us rather than working for a broken economy.

Roosevelt Institute Braintruster Barbara Arnwine has been the executive director of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law since 1989.

*Kenneth Chandler, public policy associate, contributed to this article.

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Our Grandmothers, Ourselves: Social Security Under Fire

Mar 26, 2010Lynn Parramore

social-security-200To commemorate Women’s History Month, ND20 asked women thought leaders to reflect on past accomplishments and explore today’s key challenges. Lynn Parramore considers the legacy of Social Security and the threat from deficit hawks.

social-security-200To commemorate Women’s History Month, ND20 asked women thought leaders to reflect on past accomplishments and explore today’s key challenges. Lynn Parramore considers the legacy of Social Security and the threat from deficit hawks.

The passage of the health care bill has caused many of us to wax poetic about the potential for progressive social reform. Some of the worst abuses of the insurance industry will be curbed. Health insurance companies won't get away with charging more to cover women any longer, for example. That's certainly something to celebrate.

But there's danger on the horizon, particularly for women. Deficit hawks are poised to sink their talons into Social Security, the bedrock social program that allows both men and women to age with dignity. They aim to scare the bejeezus out of us, warning that the only way to reduce the deficit is by cutting Social Security and Medicare. Back in December, Ben Bernanke launched a shot over the bow, evoking legendary bank robber Willie Sutton to describe how he wanted to raid retirement and health care funds: "That's where the money is." Congress, he reminded us, could even repeal Social Security and Medicare.

This week's misleading story that the Social Security system will pay out more in benefits than it receives in payroll tax receipts has sent the hawks on a feeding frenzy. It's true that the Wall Street-fueled recession has taken its toll on Social Security's revenues this year. But who do the hawks want to pay for the Wall Street greed that got us into this? Your grandmother. The reason? Because the real culprits do not intend to pay.

As economist Randall Wray explains, the Social Security hysteria is a big boon to banksters:

"This is to direct attention away from the true insolvencies -- which is all of the major private banks. It is also designed to scare the population about Social Security: will I ever get my Social Security pension?...This is priority number one for Wall Street now, since it has lost trillions of dollars and is massively insolvent. It needs more government bail-out and it wants your Social Security."

Newsflash: Social Security is not contributing to the deficit. It has a surplus, and it isn't going broke. Responding to the recent explosion of nonsense, Monique Morrissey of the Economic Policy Institute noted that the Congressional Budget Office report, which was the source for the original story in the Associated Press, has stated that the trust fund for Social Security is actually still growing. The fund is projected to increase from $2.5 trillion this year to $3.8 trillion by 2020. Despite the fact that the fund will pay out more this year because of the massive job loss, Social Security gains interest income from Treasury bonds, so total receipts are still greater than payments.

Amid the myths and fear-mongering, women have a particular reason to be on high alert. We rely on Social Security more than men, but are getting sidelined in decision-making.

Obama's Fiscal Commission has been created to propose ways to reduce the current deficit, including possible cuts to Social Security. But there is only one woman among his five appointees, Alice Rivlin. And there is only one woman, Congresswoman Jan Schakowsky, among all the other appointments made by McConnell, Reid, Boehner, and Pelosi. Two women out of 18 appointees? That's 11 percent. It's an outrage, considering that women represent 57 percent of all Social Security beneficiaries age 62 and older, and 69 percent of beneficiaries age 85 and older.

Why are women not invited to the table when our economic security is being decided?

Women's participation in the workforce has skyrocketed since the 1950s, but it seems to have settled at around 70 percent for married women of working age (higher for single women), still far below the rates for working age men (over 90 percent). The incontrovertible fact is that women alone have babies, and they still bear the primary burden of childcare. Most women still leave the workforce after having children for at least a short time, and many leave for years. This means that women usually get lower Social Security benefits than they would have received if they had worked steadily, as most men do. And yet we live longer, and often have special burdens caring for children and grandchildren.

The lack of women on the Fiscal Commission is particularly insulting given that it was a woman who worked tirelessly to bring us Social Security in the first place. It was Frances Perkins, President Roosevelt's indomitable Secretary of Labor, who was responsible for encouraging FDR to include Social Security as part of the New Deal and benefit us all with one of the greatest pieces of social reform in American history. We can't allow deficit hawks and Wall Street greed to shred the critical social safety net that this inspirational woman, often called "FDR's conscience," managed to weave amid fear-mongering just as fierce in her day as it is in ours.  Obama, are you listening?

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I Do, Unfortunately, He Doesn't: Name Changing and Egalitarian Marriage

Mar 25, 2010Anat Shenker

name-tag-150To commemorate Women's History Month, ND20 asked women thought leaders to reflect on past accomplishments and explore today's key challenges. Anat Shenker-Osorio considers the tradition of martial name-changing and its implications for women.

name-tag-150To commemorate Women's History Month, ND20 asked women thought leaders to reflect on past accomplishments and explore today's key challenges. Anat Shenker-Osorio considers the tradition of martial name-changing and its implications for women.

Much has been made about this so-called woman-friendly recession. One woman in three now earns more than her husband; that's one in two for women earning over $55,000. Unemployment may be stuck near 10% but cheer up ladies -- this economic crisis is a feminist.

And there's further evidence marriage is changing. It was once a woman's best economic option to specialize in the domestic domain, allowing her husband to focus on earning. But with appliances and Trader Joe's there's less call to have one person dedicated exclusively to homemaking. We come home from work and microwave a frozen something while one machine does the dishes and another does the laundry.

If marriage is now less a comparative advantage trade arrangement, what's the driving impetus for it? In a word -- love; there's also companionship, pleasure and sometimes child rearing. Where once the bulge in a man's pants -- from his wallet -- heralded his marriageability, now his willingness to cook, shop and clean are equally attractive.

Yet there's at least one thing about marriage that's remained remarkably fixed -- a woman taking her husband's name.

Reportedly, 90% of wives take their husband's name. This may seem like no big deal -- a nod to tradition, a way of signifying unity and simplifying paperwork for years to come. But this name change happens almost exclusively one-way. A bride benefits from state laws that waive the expensive and burdensome requirements legal name change entails; only seven states provide the same convenience to grooms.

All right, name changing is gendered but given that men are washing more dishes, who really cares? Forgive me Shakespeare, but let's consider: what's in a name?

Naming has ancient and powerful meaning in our religious traditions and folk beliefs. In Genesis, God has Adam name things to signify his dominion over them. From the biblical prohibition against uttering God's name to the Rumpelstiltskin fable, the ability to bestow or even utter a name lends a measure of authority and control. We are baptized "in the name of the father, the son and the holy ghost."

Forward-thinking feminists have long refused to take their husbands' names. This practice reeks of the notion of women as property, barred from exercising control over their economic affairs. Yet, as we question and alter the roles (and even actors) in what we call marriage, this name changing custom remains largely in place. It's worth asking, then, just how far have we come, baby?

Until it's just as easy for a man to become Mr. Woman as it currently is for a woman to become Mrs. Man, socially constructed ideas of marriage will still perpetuate inequality. Electing to change your name will always be an individual choice. But, until the state recognizes that it's one a man can elect just as freely as a woman, the taint of marriage as a sexist institution will remain.

Anat Shenker-Osorio is an Oakland-based communications consultant.

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